ABYSS -- Spiro Agnew, Frank Church, and the Beyond.

Introduction
"In all the decisions I have made in my public life, I have always tried to do what was best for the Nation. Throughout the long and difficult period of Watergate, I have felt it was my duty to persevere, to make every possible effort to complete the term of office to which you elected me."



...



"From the discussions I have had with Congressional and other leaders, I have concluded that because of the Watergate matter, I might not have the support of the Congress that I would consider necessary to back the very difficult decisions and carry out the duties of this office in the way the interests of the Nation would require."



...



"I have never been a quitter. To leave office before my term is completed is abhorrent to every instinct in my body. But as President, I must put the interest of America first. America needs a full-time President and a full-time Congress, particularly at this time with problems we face at home and abroad."



...



"Therefore, I shall resign the Presidency effective at noon tomorrow. Vice President Agnew will be sworn in as President at that hour in this office."



--



As President Richard Nixon read his political will to the American people, his final national address after years of sudden speeches about Viet Nam and the economy, the nation watched in pure awe. Some were shocked at the fact such a clearly innocent man would willingly step aside like this—others just seemed surprised the crook went down without having to physically drag him out by his feet.

One man, however, stared ahead with a narrow gaze—unlike many of the men who dwelled within the Nixon administration, he wasn't particularly sad to see the 37th President of the United States leave the White House for good. After all, he would be the 38th soon enough.

Vice President Spiro 'Ted' Agnew had plans, ideas that had never come to fruition through his tenure as Dick Nixon's number two since the men had virtually zero contact for most of the last six years. He had been nothing but a pick to placate the white moderate and galvanize the so-called 'Silent Majority' against Hubert Humphrey and the Democrats. Outside of that, he was nothing but a bother to Nixon.

Agnew knew this, Nixon knew this, John Connally and the rest of Nixon's formerly jolly band knew this—the president's most loyal acolytes didn't give the incoming leader any tips or even their warmest regards, they loathed him. Agnew's sneers made it more than clear the loathing was mutual.

That is save for a few specific men who were likely to hold onto some form of power once the Maryland Greeks took power. He already had a list of names. Kissinger would be pushed out quickly. Ehrlichman too. As would anyone still stuck in the mud over Nixon's fate.

There were others he saw fit to mold. And some he clearly owed favors to. Elliot Richardson—although the former Attorney General was long gone from the Nixon White House, it was well known within the walls of the building that Richardson had saved Agnew's ass by not reporting findings relating to a certain case-that-shall-not-be-named. The Vice President was egotistic, but he knew he owed his promotion to the Massachusetts native. There were others within the administration—young bucks like Rumsfeld and his mini-me, those he saw fit to mold to his new vision for the post-Dick GOP.

Across the building, Richard Nixon sat in solace. The entire Watergate 'scandal' had clearly brought the man to his emotional limits. Already fragile, the president was now a fundamentally destroyed man. If it wasn't worse—if the fact his own party had thrown him under the bus—and the Democrats won the truest battle for the country—you know what was the worst part, he thought?

He now had to hand the keys to a man he truly despised.

Nixon had regretted Spiro Agnew since the moment he won the 1968 election. The President moped and moaned about how he should have chosen John Volpe or Howard Baker. Agnew had proven to be a great running mate back in '68, but his abilities as vice president were damning for the administration most of the time. Nixon couldn't help but freeze for a moment, wondering if the nation would be fine under his helm.

Tomorrow couldn't come soon enough.

On August 9th, 1974, America changed on a fundamental scale. Richard Nixon solemnly saluted his fellow patriots before jumping into a helicopter and leaving the White House for what was assumed to be the final time in any official capacity. In what many had once hoped to be a moment of brevity, the crook finally chased out of power, instead leading to the longest period of anxiety in American history, lasting from this moment in 1974 all the way to the end of the newfound Agnew presidency. Millions of Americans held their breaths as Spiro Agnew, the former Governor of Maryland who had lucked out going against a segregationist perennial loser in his one statewide election—and who only gained the Vice Presidential nomination after being humiliated by his benefactor Nelson Rockefeller—was now the 38th President of the United States.

His inaugural speech had been originally written on a napkin by Agnew's vice presidential chief of staff, Arthur Sohmer, in a mere 20 minutes. The current version was slightly more refined.

He began speaking. Everyone listened.

"Good evening, my fellow Americans. Let me begin by giving my... warmest regards to the Nixons. I pray that their private life is as fruitful as their public careers. I have had the honor of serving as Vice President of the United States over the last six years. I have seen this country through many of its best and worst moments. The recent events that have unfolded have tested our nation's resilience and resolve, but there is little doubt in my mind that we stand firm and unshaken."

...

"In the coming days, weeks, and months, our administration will focus on several key priorities. I can promise you that we will fix the broken government which led to this entire Watergate incident. Let me make this clear—this administration is not an extension or a continuation of the Nixon administration. It is impossible for anyone to truly understand how deep the rot may go. And with that in mind, I must say solemnly that we will commit to a clean sweep for the incoming cabinet. There will be few—truly few men left from the old guard. Men who understood that nation comes before their own goals. Men like Elliot Richardson and others who were purged without getting a word in edgewise—I fully believe if we're going to restore faith in our institutions we must remove what plagues our current system!"

...

"I am forced to evoke the words of Harry Truman when I say that The Buck Stops Here! No longer can we afford the personal issues of the past, the scandals of the last administration should be swept astray and with that, I am calling on Congress to get back to work in passing policy that'll help the American people. We don't have time for the needless nonsensical partisan bickering, and as a nation, we can no longer afford it."

...

"Tonight, I ask that you all pray for me and the First Lady. We have a long road ahead—and we will need all the help we can get in order to get through these troubled times."

It was short. It was nothing specialand it certainly wasn't the normal kind of speech Agnew would deliver. The fact he reserved a section of his speech for condemning a Congress he hadn't dealt with and accusing them of being too concerned with Nixon was a bit concerning for the American people.

It takes a while to settle in.



Spiro Agnew is president.



What now?
 
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Introduction

INTRODUCTION

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"In the United States today, we have more than our share of the nattering nabobs of negativism."
- Vice President Spiro T. Agnew

"I don't want to see this country ever go across the bridge. I know the capacity that is there to make tyranny total in America, and we must see to it that this agency and all agencies that possess this technology operate within the law and under proper supervision, so that we never cross over that abyss. That is the abyss from which there is no return."
-
Senator Frank F. Church

It is a bit unorthodox to start this story with the setup rather than the explanation, isn't it? Truthfully, I am normally a man of complicated ramblings, ideas that hardly make it to a page because I find it difficult to truly discover the right words. I'm the sort of fella who works in wikiboxes rather than stories—I find it a lot easier to convey my sometimes unconventional thoughts through idiotic inspect element edits rather than using my voice like a big boy.

I have learned you cannot convey Spiro Agnew accurately through mere pictures. He is a man of one thousand angry statements. Incoherent ramblings, which I don't think any person alive today could truthfully replicate authentically. It is because of this—as well as my long-term desire to contribute something real to a forum such as this which has offered me so much in my learning over the years—that I hope to bring you a story that can, at the very least, be enjoyed.

Honest to God, I have no idea what I'm doing besides writing. I have a timeline, and I have a draft, but I'm really feeling this out as I go in terms of its place as a long-term project in writing. Going into this I have my personal doubts, but you never really know until you plunge yourself into the Abyss, eh?

What is the Abyss anyway? I'm sure someone reading this thread has either heard of, knows the contents of, or maybe even aided the writing of this timeline. To say the short version without spoiling too much of the juice, this is the story of an America forced forward by about 50 years, indirectly anyway. It is a story about Spiro Agnew, Frank Church, the Bush family, the Democratic Party, and its enemies on the other side of the aisle. It is a story about the media, about the alphabet agencies, and what the country would look like if you gave the biggest asshole you know executive powers.

I don't know how I hope to see this evolve. Truthfully I just pray that we're able to do some damn good work on this thread. I am doing this as an open letter to an election I love and hate so much, a passion project, and then a writing project third. All that there is to say now is that I hope you enjoy the story.

Your dearest - NEO

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An interesting premise and a fun start alright. Seeing Agnew become President is probably going to be an awful, terrible thing, that should make for a very good read.
 
It is a story about the media, about the alphabet agencies, and what the country would look like if you gave the biggest asshole you know executive powers.
Spiro Agnew isn't my landlord?

In all seriousness, really looking forward to this TL! Wishing you all the best with it.
 
Chapter I: Into The Belly of The Beast (1974 - 1975)
1974 - 1975: Into The Belly of The Beast

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The sudden ascension of Spiro Agnew to the Oval Office wasn't met with a friendly round of applause or even a stilted handshake. Universally, whether it be the media, the Democratic Party, the Republican Party, or the general public—the new Commander in Chief was given nothing but a nervous glare and tepid hope. It didn't help that his inaugural speech had been so spiteful. It didn't help that he had dismissed so much of the Nixon administration within his first week in office. And to many within the beltway, it didn't help that his presence would likely sink GOP support in the coming midterms.

"Men like Al Haig," Agnew would sneer whilst pacing the room, newly donned Chief of Staff Sohmer nervously looking forward. "This place still has their stink. All of them, damn it. Doesn't it just piss you off, Arthur? It's one thing to lock me out for the past six years, but no—most of them quit when Dick got dirty, so we don't even get the luxury of firing their asses. It almost amazes me how much they look down on me." He shook his head. "But you know—of course—they're plotting. Not even for the primary, no, no, look at those hooligans like Javits—I haven't done a single thing that hasn't been for the benefit of this country and you read what he did? He condemned me. They loathe me, well God damn it! The feeling's mutual!"

"There's no use talking to Javits, sir." Sohmer scribbled meaninglessly on his notepad, the rest of the meeting room empty due to the sudden 'layoffs' within the White House after Agnew took charge. "We need to get ahold of Dole. He's the only one who can convince President Nixon's friends within the party to answer your calls." Agnew seemed to frown. "You try talking to him. He doesn't seem to be a big fan of my leadership style so far." He narrowed his gaze. The Chief of Staff nodded before checking that off the list.

"Okay. Next on the agenda... What are we thinking on that preliminary Vice Preside—" He was quickly caught off guard by the president flying out of his seat. "Yes! The vice presidency... that reminds me... ask Dole if he'd accept the position if offered. I wouldn't be moved either damn way if the Nixon wing didn't seem to distrust me, but what can you do? I want him on the list. See if you can do that." Sohmer nodded again. "And what about some of these other names? Connally, Ford, Rockefeller—" Once again, the president, who had sat back down, shot up from his desk. "They all hate me! I mean, John is too connected to Nixon—I like the guy but I don't want Dick sniffing around to try and take me down from his tomb." He scanned down the list.

"You can't trust Nelson. Well, I certainly don't. You've heard me talk about how flimsy that impetus is." He let out a hearty laugh as he read the brief biography attached to House Minority Leader Ford's name. "Jerry Ford... Jerry Ford... you know—It wouldn't be bad. He's nothing if not a good party man, real cocksucker, I'm sure he'd accept. House Democrats seem to like him personally, so he'd pass. I'd like someone more loyal, but you get what you get."

Using Agnew's words, Sohmer arranged a second draft of the potential appointments before rushing out of the president's office.

The Midterm Report



The 1974 midterm elections had been a stormy affair even before Nixon's resignation. It wasn't a fight. It was a war. The GOP was fighting for its survival all across the map, from the Senate to the House to the governorships. Strong incumbents like Jacob Javits, now in even deeper shit for his very public feud with the new president, and Bob Dole were all in danger of losing their seats to incredibly strong Democratic challengers.

These Democrats were promising something different than either the current iteration of their own party or their Republican opponents. In New York, former LBJ Attorney General Ramsey Clark found himself the favorite against an entrenched Jacob Javits. The liberal Senator had been hedging his bets on running against his record as Attorney General, but thus far it had proved to be a stinker as soon as Agnew got into office and began to run amock.

It couldn't have helped his case when his old beef with the president reignited...

--

August 9th, 1974:



Reporter: Senator Javits, given your history with President Agnew, can you say that you feel comfortable with his newfound position?

Sen. Javits: Unfortunately the moral questions that plagued the final days of this presidency will seemingly continue on for a bit longer. I can't say I feel safe with this man
who has made it his single mission in life to bring as much ruin and chaos to the White House as he canas President of the United States. There are simply too many moral questions involved.

--

Naturally, the president saw fit to fire back.

--

August 10th, 1974

President Agnew asked about Senator Javits and other Republicans reluctant to back the new administration.
Pres. Agnew: To any good-hearted, red-bleeding, America-loving Republican
I gladly invite you down to the White House so that we can clear up any misconceptions you may be getting from the media. As for Javits, well he's just another liberal Democrat in the same fashion as Kennedy and the rest.
--
While nominally any firing between Agnew and the moderate wing of his party wouldn't be such a big deal—it hadn't hurt too much in '70 or '72 after all—this time he was the president, and in New York, there was the Conservative Party all too gladly sucking upvotes from Javits. Barbara Keating was a young widowed housewife, her husband dying in Viet Nam back in '68. She had never run for political office before—up until now her campaign was a completely unremarkable standard platform of normal conservatism, but that seemed to be what this race between two ultra-liberals needed.

Within a matter of a few weeks, Javits went from a narrow frontrunner to trailing a good 6/7 points behind Clark. Ramsey Clark was something else, walking around the streets of NYC with a noticeable Texas drawl, promising to run a campaign without being compromised by big-money corruption. Waving to a crowd of adoring folks Ramsey preaches about Senator Javits' failure to lead during the Watergate scandal. "Senator Javits has attempted to appeal to every single person he can, and in that effort, he has only alienated the good citizens of New York." Now he finds himself latching onto a new subject, President Agnew. "He failed to protect his country during the worst moments of Watergate, and I guarantee you that behind closed doors—he will do what it takes to satisfy Agnew's needs as well!"

For his effort, the president wasn't giving Javits much of a chance to bow to him when he started actively praising Mrs. Keating for her positions and made sure to needle the New York senator any chance he got.

In Kansas, Bob Dole was in Topeka hoping to stomp through the state and save himself from Bill Roy and the Democrats. Right now, he was on the phone with Sohmer at the White House.

"Well I understand that the president wants me to meet with him, but I really can't afford to right now. I respect him—you know that—but we're in real deep stuff out here. Hitting back against Watergate is one thing, it's a mess but I can do it. President Agnew hasn't done anything yet and he's still dragging us down!" The senator groaned through the phone. "Of course, Bob. However, you have to talk to the Senate caucus and remind them that our success is their success." Sohmer attempted to sound forceful, but it came off as pathetic.

"I know, I know. We'll be back in Washington by Monday hopefully—I'll try to talk to the president then."

"And, Bob." Sohmer stopped him from hanging up.

"We on the... team who are trying to find an adequate pick for the vice presidency would like to know if you're intere—"

"No." Dole shook his head so hard that he could swear Sohmer heard it.

"No?"

"Well. This entire race is just too important to abandon. It'll be an easy flip for Roy if we don't put our foot down. If you need any help finding a good man to fill the role, I advise you ask Jerry Ford—but I just can't do it. If the president, or any of you poor folks stuck in the White House need my help, I'll gladly give you some help with the media and whatnot, but I cannot offer my hand for that role." He said.

Sohmer sighed before crossing off a name from his list. "That's completely fine, Senator Dole. That's just fine..." He quickly hung up.

In Nevada, incumbent Paul Laxalt found himself in a similar situation to Dole in Kansas. He was trailing young lieutenant governor Harry Ried by upwards of 5 points in the first days of the Agnew administration. Unlike Dole, Laxalt made his disagreements known to the president. "You cannot act as irrationally as you have before, Mr. President. This isn't the vice presidency, it's not about taking trips to some random country and having a nice vacation. Your old boss was Richard Nixon—and I know he let you run buck wild without a care in the world—but your new boss is the American people, and let me tell you they aren't gonna be nearly as forgiving for your actions." Agnew sneered at the man's words but nodded carefully. "Of course. Of course. I'm still getting used to the job, y'know? Trust me when I say we'll have it all solved by October."

In reality, Agnew mostly waved off Laxalt's complaints. He didn't need to take all that bullshit from anybody anymore. He was now the president. He was always of the opinion that Dick Nixon had been too nice to dissenters who hoped to ruin his presidency. He let Hubert Humphrey cry in his arms, he pretended to care when something terrible happened to a political opponent. Oh—he hated those people behind closed doors—but publicly he was all platitudes and handshakes. Well, Agnew was just as spiteful and hate-filled as Nixon had been, and he wasn't afraid to let that show publicly.

Soon, August turned to early September as the vice presidency remained an open book.
 
My goodness. All the spite of Nixon without any of the calculation and ability to give something like a Checkers speech to portray his humble background.
 
Interesting so far. Not sure what the exact POD is but I'm guessing it's Agnew's bribery scandal never coming to light. Sounds like Dole will have an even harder time winning his first reelection than in OTL, if at all; Agnew will not command the bipartisan respect Ford does. Harry Reid becoming senator 12 years earlier than OTL might be one of the more consequential butterflies.

For VP I'm guessing Agnew will only want a fellow firebreather. Reagan might be high on his list. Or, if cooler heads prevail, a ticket balancing choice like Ford or Howard Baker. There's also John Tower in Texas.

Curious to see how the fall of Vietnam happens in TTL, historically Agnew wasn't a big fan of "peace with honor" and thought the war could be won if only the US stopped playing pattycake and just committed it's military might.
 
Soo... a Greek-American just became president of the United States and fired Kissinger from State right in the middle between the first and second Turkish invasion of Cyprus and right after democracy has been restored to Greece?

What does Spiro do about that little foreign issue that fell squarely on his lap?
 
For VP I'm guessing Agnew will only want a fellow firebreather. Reagan might be high on his list. Or, if cooler heads prevail, a ticket balancing choice like Ford or Howard Baker. There's also John Tower in Texas
Reagan is the slam dunk choice but I think Reagan also declines and goes for the presidency in 76. I think HW or Roman Hruska are the most likely candidates
 
Chapter I: Into The Belly of The Beast (1974 - 1975) New
1974 - 1975: Into the Belly of the Beast

Inflation, a Vice President, and the Burnin' Midterms

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38th President of the United States Spiro Ted Agnew

Going into September of '74, the Agnew administration found themselves in a rut. The search for a running mate had run dry, with men like Bob Dole, John Tower, and Howard Baker all quickly rejecting any idea of being nominated for Vice. The Agnew team, led by Sohmer, a newly rejuvenated Roger Stone, and Rummy's second-in-command Cheney, found themselves running down a list of decidedly underwhelming names. The president himself would hope to talk to Jerry Ford soon—likely soon after his planned economic address to Congress that would be coming by the end of the week. Ford was, by all means, the perfect choice for Agnew. Loyal to the party—even willing to defend President Nixon in the heat of Watergate and Agnew during his worst spats with the press—Gerald Ford was a model member of the Republican establishment. Not so uncouth as the president. It was likely that a hypothetical Vice President Ford could handle more complex issues that the administration was already showing their soft belly on.

The economy was one such issue. Agnew was clearly not a numbers man by any meaning of the word. He understood that the dragging inflation that had slowed the Nixon administration down to a mind-numbing crawl was an issue he would have to deal with sooner rather than later, but how? It certainly didn't help the administration that Treasury Secretary Bill Simon—one of the many Nixon holdovers whom Agnew couldn't quite fire out of fear Congress wouldn't confirm a successor—couldn't seem to get the president to understand seemingly basic ideas regarding the American economy. For instance, he found it difficult not to storm out of the room as Agnew stared at him, seemingly dumbfounded, as an idea to help shoulder the sacrifice on the American people—the so-called "WIN" plan, was explained to him.

"Well, that just seems stupid," Agnew mumbled. "I don't think they'll accept it—and I sure as shit don't think it'll work. We need to think about this intelligently. We have no time for these kinds of inridiculous jokes." He said, spitting out an Agnewism. "You think those slumlord bozos are going to honestly listen to the president say they need to use less energy. That they need to spend less? These people, if you really want to call them that, couldn't give two shits about inflation." The president scorned.

Agnew shook his head before standing up, wagging his finger at the other attendees. "No. No. We need something big—something that'll get the people wondering why Dick and Connally didn't think of it before. Something that the Democrats'll pass."

Finally, his eyes shined.

"I see it now."

Agnew's first address to Congress had been a long time coming. It had already been nearly a month since Dick Nixon kicked the political bucket and the loudmouth man from Baltimore took his throne—but since then, they had been stuck purging the Cabinet, fighting his own party with the public war against Javits, and failing to find a good Vice. The president was admittedly anxious. This would be his defining speech. At least until the '76 campaign season. Nobody had faith in Agnew. Only mere hours before the address, Cronkite had dolled over new numbers, which showed an unsurprisingly low number of Americans—38%, in fact—had faith in Agnew's ability to serve to the best of his ability as Commander in Chief. Among those who said they didn't think he could do it, most said he simply didn't have the proverbial "juice," while many said his personal and political conflicts with other men stopped him from serving to the best of his ability.

Sohmer, Cheney, Rumsfeld, and every other lackey knew that if they didn't want to pack up their offices by December 1977, they would have to turn the trust issue on its head. It was Rumsfeld who decided to tell the president the straight facts.

"You can't sound stupid." The NATO ambassador, now waiting adrift for Agnew to appoint him anywhere else, said it bluntly. "People think you're a savage, idiotic, loudmouthed, hate-filled, spiteful, idiotic—er—stupid man who has zero chance of pulling this thing off." Agnew seethed. "This isn't what I think, of course. Just what I've heard from the Beltway. This isn't just Democrats, either, you know." He shook his head. "This is something those Reagan people are going to exploit as soon as we get to the primary. If you look stupid, he wins." That made Agnew listen. "Look, Mr. President—Ted, if I may? No? Mr. President, you just need to go out there and prove to this country you can say a few literate sentences. You can talk about policy coherently. And that you aren't the Ted Agnew of old."

"We clearly need to relaunch this entire thing. You need to show them the 'New Agnew', one that they won't cast away."

President Agnew overlooked an ensemble of curious, smug, and dreadful Congressmen who were all waiting for him to face-plant. They hated him—they all held him in complete and utter contempt. He shouldn't be president. They ought to have kicked him right out alongside Nixon. They would have loved to make Carl Albert or some other Dem the president, wouldn't they? But they couldn't. Agnew had stopped the Democrats from pulling off a coup; that's how he saw it, anyway. He stopped Nixon, he stopped the Democrats; he was the hero this great story known as the 1970s had been waiting for. Congress wouldn't appreciate the ideals of his speech, no matter how simplistic he was about it. The American people would love it.

He started with a simple verdict.

"Our government has failed to protect our people from inflation. Our government has failed to protect our people from inflation." Ted Kennedy's smug face contorted to clear rage.


"I have heard some men within this chamber have taken it upon themselves to put the burden on the American people to combat inflation. As a man who has never served in Congress, I simply cannot understand the gall of men in such prestigious positions, meeting with their rich donors and getting large sums of money, to dare tell the great majority of Americans, who are already suffering - to just stuff it. His rhetoric soared.

"I refuse to partake in such a scheme. This is the fault of our government, and the responsibility to solve it falls on me." He staked himself out as a hero.

He continued to criticize Congress and past leadership while orating himself out as the man who would soon drag America out of its moral rut and save the country while it could still be saved.

Finally, he got to the red meat of the speech. His initiative. The name had gone through a few early drafts. From the original "WIN" Whip Inflation Now idea, which Agnew had rejected as a silly plot to make Americans hate him—to his own idea—the so-called "Inflation Snapperizzer" idea, which had no real solid policy plans other than to "beat inflation" in some way. Sohmer watched in horror as Agnew slowly found himself becoming more fond of the (apparently) visionary name. It had been Rumsfeld who would put his arm around the president and calmly tell him that now was not the time for visionary ideas. That would come in '76. "I am proud to announce a new initiative that will aim to effectively eliminate our current economic problems within my term as president." Whether he meant 1977 or 1981 was unclear to the crowd. "F.I.N.: Fight Inflation Now!" He said proudly, "FIN, of course, stands for the fact that this is the final page of the long story—that being our years-long fight against this oppressive economic drought."

Republicans clapped, and Democrats seemed unimpressed. The actual policy was dry, and Agnew didn't say much about what FIN would actually be in action, but it probably meant an even higher interest rate hike. Agnew's address had landed far better than his inaugural speech, although it would be nearly impossible to actually do worse than he had back then. It was not a reset like some had hoped—the trust problem still resonated with many folks—only buoyed by the fact that Treasury Secretary Simon—and many other members of the cabinet—were on their way out by year-end. It was unknown, and feared, who would take over for the Agnew administration's economic policy when all was said and done. For his credit, Agnew hadn't come off as a total oaf when all was said and done.

House Minority Leader Gerald R. Ford clapped for the president. He was a good party man. He had his issues with this speech—hell—he had a ton of issues with this president, but it hadn't been as bad as he feared. The Republican leader had only ever wanted to be Speaker of the House, but with Democratic control only looking to expand its reach with Watergate's climax and Agnew's fight against his own Congressional backbench, he had decided against running for re-election months ago. He had done well on the Warren Commission; he had fought for GOP interests at every level of leadership; and now he could retire peacefully. Of course, this all made his next conversation with the President of the United States all the harder.

Lurking through the halls of the Capital, Ted Agnew finally lurched on his prey when he was alone in his office. "Jerry!" He chucked, "I'm glad I could catch up to you; you're slippery, you know." The Congressman sighed but gave a weary smile. "It's great to see you, Mr. President. Very nice speech out there." He knew what was coming.


"Thank you. Only the best for you folks." Agnew sat down and stared him down. "Well, to make a long proposal short, I'm sure you've heard that we in the White House are hiring a new vice president. I was wondering if you'd be willing to serve in that capacity." Ford had thought about this since Agnew became president. He had been warned that afternoon in August that he would be asked about this eventually. Pondering the question for the last month, Ford thought about accepting it. It would be crazy—everyone save for the president's closest allies saw this administration as a doomed experiment in allowing a snake oil salesman the nuclear launch codes—but there was no reason why he would ruin his retirement by doing this. So why was he thinking about it?

Maybe he was just too good for his own sake. Gerald Ford was a party man. It was key to his character and one of the things many respected most about him. He stood for what he genuinely saw as right. Spiro Agnew was an insane, unstable man who was clearly unfit for the presidency, but he was a Republican. Ford let the president's offer marinate in the air for a second before clearing his throat. "Well, I'm truly honored that you would ask me. It's the highest honor that I've ever been given." He laughed. "But uh—you know—I promised Betty that we'd take a nice vacation sooner than later, and trust me, you don't want to make her mad." Ford chuckled nervously.

Agnew perked up, "The Vice Presidency comes with great travel perks!" He smirked, remembering one of the few parts of his old job that he liked. "Oh, you shoulda seen it, Jerry; I went everywhere. I was in Africa, I was in Japan, and I was in Europe too. I'm sure you two would love it." The look on his face was predatory like he had caught Ford in a trap. Agnew could see as clear as day that Ford didn't want the job. But that wouldn't stop him from being pressured into it. "Well," Ford shifted in his seat, sweating under Agnew's pressure. "Truthfully, I don't think I'm the best fit for the job. You said it best in the inaugural speech—this administration is a break from the Republican leaders of old. I'm not the next generation, and I have no real desire to stay in public service any longer than need be." He could see Agnew's mouth begin to form a seething motion, and he moved to quickly divert his name from the discussion.

"George Bush." Ford nodded. "Bush?"

"George Bush is the kind of man I'd wager you're looking for. He's already in the administration, so I'm sure there wouldn't be any major problems."

"Bush..." Agnew muttered. "He did some good work for Dick as chairman during Watergate. How loyal is he? To Nixon, of course." The House leader understood the undertones. "He's loyal to the Republican Party." That was enough for Agnew to understand.

Standard conservatism: George Bush was the type of man Agnew was looking for. He was Gerald Ford with aloof ideals, ambition, and loyalty. He was young—he was the so-called next generation of Republicans that Ford told him about. According to Ford, Bush would pass Congress, probably. The lack of confidence was enough to make the president raise an eyebrow, but it wasn't alarming enough to make him inquire any further.

So George Bush was the vice president to be. Nominated on September 15th, amid the heated battle for Congressional control, Ford's attempts to call for a quick and orderly vote fell on deaf ears, with the body's members being far too busy running for reelection to vote. George Bush was one of the few men willing to accept Agnew's offer. In his eyes, as vice president, he could save the United States. He would act as a counterforce to Agnew's antics. He would be accredited with saving the administration—and be rewarded for it come 1980. In his eyes, the path to power was clear.

--

As Congress deliberated over George Herbert Walker Bush's fate, families across Arkansas' Third Congressional District were listening to campaign jingles from incumbent John Paul Hammerschmidt's Democratic opponent.

“Bill Clinton’s ready, he’s fed up too. He’s a lot like me, he’s a lot like you. Bill Clinton’s gonna get things done, and we’re gonna send him to Washington.”

William Jefferson Clinton, the 28-year-old lawyer, nodded along to the jingle when it aired for the first time. Once a long shot race against a popular Republican incumbent, Watergate and Agnew's ascension to the presidency made the race within a dead heat, and the latest polling Clinton read over showed him as the narrow front-runner.

With Governor Bumpers quickly becoming a close ally and friend of Clinton's, to the point where he was spending far more time campaigning for Bill Clinton than in his own senate campaign, it seemed like this race was becoming the model for the average election in the year of '74. Popular Republican incumbents, no matter how pious or loved, weren't safe from the incoming wave. It didn't help in Arkansas third that Bill Clinton proved to be good at antagonizing President Agnew.

"This president is too busy fighting the press to cause any real change." He would preach to a crowd. "And Republicans like Congressman Hammerschmidt have made it clear they will not take any measures to hold him accountable! They are afraid of the president - nothing has changed since the Nixon days! We can't go into 1975 and 1976 with the same fear dynamic that we have had since 1968!" He slammed his fist on a podium, the young, charming Clinton was nothing to scoff at politically. His lust for power, as would be seen in the heat of the 1980s, was incredibly strong. His motley crew, which was mostly just him and his wife Hillary Rodham, was closer than ever to real, solid power. This is just one of many similar cases in the 1974 elections.

The most recent polling, coming into mid to late September, showed a large majority of voters supporting the Democrats. It wasn't surprising, with it being the midterms—and Watergate—and the Agnew presidency. There weren't many upsides to being a Republican candidate, which is probably why even established Senators like Laxalt and Dole were still on track to lose reelection. In New York, Agnew continued to flirt with endorsing Mrs. Keating—that housewife—over Senator Javits, much to the amusement of Ramsey Clark, who started referring to himself as senator-elect despite the election still being a month and a half out.

The only boon that would show up for Congressional Republicans was the incredibly slow confirmation of George Bush. It wasn't completely intentional, the heat of the campaign made it difficult to come together for such a vote. Republicans took their chance and hedged their bets on the "spiteful" "angry" "anti-American" Democrat majority who were stopping a good, reasonable war hero from fulfilling a badly needed duty. Some anti-Agnew Republicans even warned that their Democrat counterparts were only aiding the rouge president by refusing to confirm the only man who could, supposedly, keep him in check.

This argument soon became the crux of the Bush confirmation. He was the only person who could stop Spiro Agnew. They needed to confirm Bush to blunt Agnew. It was a reasonable argument, nobody wanted Agnew left alone.

Democrats, sensing the chance to get a foot up politically by removing an issue, while injecting some supposed sanity into the White House, quickly moved to confirm George Herbert Walker Bush to the Vice Presidency.


Screenshot 2024-05-07 233645.jpg

40th Vice President of the United States George Herbert Walker Bush

With Bush confirmed, the midterm elections in a state of chaos, and Agnew waiting in line to inflame tensions on a global scale, everyone is watching.

--

Sorry for the long(er) wait. There was a lot to cover and I've been pretty busy. I hope you enjoyed!
 
And like in OTL, George Bush is the ticket balancing VP to a firebrand Republican president. Good luck to him working well with Agnew though.

Bill Clinton getting his start in politics via Congress rather than the Arkansas governor's mansion will likely butterfly away his status as presidential contender, but maybe the Speaker's gavel is in his future? Or a senate seat.

Congressional Republicans will likely take an even worse beating than they did in OTL 1974, but if history is anything to learn from, Reagan will be in the wings if a Dem takes the poisoned chalice that was 1976.
 
And like in OTL, George Bush is the ticket balancing VP to a firebrand Republican president. Good luck to him working well with Agnew though.
Funnily enough, I can picture Bush still potentially managed to get to the Presidency, if only because he's so different from Agnew that it would be easy to distance himself from the administration.
Bill Clinton getting his start in politics via Congress rather than the Arkansas governor's mansion will likely butterfly away his status as presidential contender, but maybe the Speaker's gavel is in his future? Or a senate seat.
I wonder how Clinton's different career path affects the Governor's race. Who was he running against that year?
Congressional Republicans will likely take an even worse beating than they did in OTL 1974, but if history is anything to learn from, Reagan will be in the wings if a Dem takes the poisoned chalice that was 1976.
I'm assuming Frank Church is going to try running for the Democratic nomination. As for Reagan, I wonder if Agnew's conservativism would end up hurting Reagan, as it might be possible for whatever Democrat takes over being able to paint Reagan as being just a more charismatic version of Agnew.
 
I wonder how Clinton's different career path affects the Governor's race. Who was he running against that year?

I'm assuming Frank Church is going to try running for the Democratic nomination. As for Reagan, I wonder if Agnew's conservativism would end up hurting Reagan, as it might be possible for whatever Democrat takes over being able to paint Reagan as being just a more charismatic version of Agnew.
In OTL Clinton's first governor win came against Lynn Lowe, a farmer from Texarkana.

Agnew as President will no doubt make the average voter sour on hard right policies, but Reagan still has his famous charisma. Remember, in OTL he was the ultimate firebrand of the GOP before his presidency, while today every GOPer wants to be like him, with the moderates claiming the party has strayed too far from his vision.
 
I have a feeling that Bush is going to feel like the only sane man in the asylum at this rate. Good look into things and how the changes are impacting events in general.
 
Bill Clinton getting his start in politics via Congress rather than the Arkansas governor's mansion will likely butterfly away his status as presidential contender, but maybe the Speaker's gavel is in his future? Or a senate seat.
I’d strongly disagree, I could actually see Clinton being a much more PR likeable democratic version of Newt Gingrich who could utilize his congressional success into being president or go from congress to governor than to VP than president or just straight to president. For all his personal faults Clinton was a political prodigy/star
 
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