To Delve and Spin – A Medieval English timeline

A fascinating timeline, the Peasants Revolt is something that seems to be a peasants' version of the events leading to the Magna Carta, but it seems 4eady to go far beyond just this granting of rights. I don't know a lot about this time period so I am curious, why the University at Cambridge would be attacked. I wonder if the peasants will accept an agreement to allow peasants to attend as well.

With John of Gaunt gone, I wonder how this affects the Lollards - they would have some similar demands as the Cathol8c Church was very heavy handed in this time period. It will be interesting if Wycliffe makes the decision to join with them.
 
I don't know a lot about this time period so I am curious, why the University at Cambridge would be attacked. I wonder if the peasants will accept an agreement to allow peasants to attend as well.
The university was attacked in our world, I didn’t come up with that one and so would still happen.

With John of Gaunt gone, I wonder how this affects the Lollards - they would have some similar demands as the Cathol8c Church was very heavy handed in this time period. It will be interesting if Wycliffe makes the decision to join with them.
I’m still doing research for the religious aspects of the revolt. Whilst I’m familiar with John Ball and his part in the rising, Wycliffe is a bit of an enigma. He was supported by John of Gaunt, one of many reasons the latter was unpopular in London.

As for Gaunt himself? He fled to Scotland in our world as well. He’s not around right now, but he’s not out of the picture by any means.
 
A fascinating timeline, the Peasants Revolt is something that seems to be a peasants' version of the events leading to the Magna Carta, but it seems 4eady to go far beyond just this granting of rights. I don't know a lot about this time period so I am curious, why the University at Cambridge would be attacked. I wonder if the peasants will accept an agreement to allow peasants to attend as well.

I think it has something to do with town and gown conflicts - this article can explain better than me, but the gist of it is that due to many reasons, the relationship between universities and the towns that housed them tended to be tense and could occasionally turn violent. Oxford had seen one of those only 26 years before, and one particularly important point is that, due to the nature of universities at that point, scholars had benefit of clergy, which meant they couldn't be tried in lay courts, only in ecclesiastical ones, if they commited crimes. That thing tended to lead to all sorts of abuse and criminal behaviour from the students' part, which did no favors for the universities' reputation with the townspeople.
 
This is really interesting so far -- I'm excited to see what comes next for the rebels and for Richard II. Is John of Gaunt going to invade with an army of Scots at his back?

I think you are going to have to figure out what is going on with religion here -- the privileges of clergy, and the wealth of the Church institutions were (as events before the POD demonstrate) a real source of grievance for the revolt, but also something they and the lower gentry at least could resent together.
 
I think it has something to do with town and gown conflicts - this article can explain better than me, but the gist of it is that due to many reasons, the relationship between universities and the towns that housed them tended to be tense and could occasionally turn violent. Oxford had seen one of those only 26 years before, and one particularly important point is that, due to the nature of universities at that point, scholars had benefit of clergy, which meant they couldn't be tried in lay courts, only in ecclesiastical ones, if they commited crimes. That thing tended to lead to all sorts of abuse and criminal behaviour from the students' part, which did no favors for the universities' reputation with the townspeople.
Wow, that is really interesting! I had no idea that colleges were like that in the middle ages, I knew they were much more ecclesiastical but that is really amazing.

It would have been so funny to know about that when I was in college, where there were a few minor arguments between the students of our small liberal arts college and the small College town. I'm sure that many who were frustrated by that would have laughed at it afterward, seeing how it pailed in comparison to this stuff.
 
I think you are going to have to figure out what is going on with religion here -- the privileges of clergy, and the wealth of the Church institutions were (as events before the POD demonstrate) a real source of grievance for the revolt, but also something they and the lower gentry at least could resent together.
As far as I know, it’s religious dimensions concerned biblical arguments in favour of social equality. I don’t know if there were any theological disputes attached to the revolt.

Concerning Wycliffe, he held support from a segment of the English aristocracy - including John of Gaunt - until he denounced transubstantiation.

This is really interesting so far -- I'm excited to see what comes next for the rebels and for Richard II. Is John of Gaunt going to invade with an army of Scots at his back?
Thanks. From here on in, the rebels will be working to consolidate their successes and spreading them to the rest of England - whether Tyler’s Kentish and East Anglian-influenced radicalism is accepted by the north and west is to be explored. For now the focus is military, namely assembling an army to take on any holdouts opposed to the new order in the King’s charters. Given many men in England had military experience and longbow training, most of the army being abroad and some noble retainers joining in (see Ufford), this may be easier than first appears.

Political organisation will be covered a little later. Both camps at this point will claim to be acting in the best interest of the young King in a “We’re not against the King but against the evil advisors/uppity villeins” way.
 
Chapter 3 – How we will have it otherwise

Chapter 3 – How we will have it otherwise

June – July 1381

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"...and if we go together, all manner of people - that be now in any bondage - will follow us to the intent to be made free..."

– John Ball


In just over two weeks, what was a series of local tax riots had grown into revolution. They demanded not merely they revoking of the hated poll tax, but more. Nothing short of full abolition of feudalism in England had satisfy them. They were fighting for liberties they had always believed to be theirs, liberties they saw as being taken away by corrupted and greedy lords in far-off manors whilst they toiled for pittance. Of course, the situation was never that simple. It was not merely farming peasants that rose up in the summer of 1381, but members of all major classes in England from serfs to skilled urban artisans, gentrymen, local clergy and even some members of the nobility. The revolt had taken on different flavours across the country. In the south and east, thorough purges of the old order were taking places - abbeys and manors were burnt, officials were executed and radical demands had been made; the north and west of England had been comparatively calm with both warring factions in York having made peace and the rebels of Somerset satisfied with removing the monastic orders of their temporal authority [1]. In the Midlands, many prominent gentry families had come to terms with the rebels just as had been done in the North.

Upon the storming of the Tower of London on the 14th, the King had agreed to negotiate with the rebels. What resulted was a series of charters, in line with most of the rebels original demands:

1. The abolition of unfree labour.

2. The freedom to buy and sell produce wherever they wished at market.

3. The land rent to be set at 4 pence/acre.

4. Amnesty for all involved in the rebellion. [2]​


In one fell swoop, feudalism in England had been abolished. Many rebels were satisfied with these guarantees and considered turning for home, but then Walworth tried to kill Tyler. Then it had dawned in the revolt's leaders that not all of the realm was just going to fall in line with the new order of things, even if the King had decreed it be so. Leicester, in the Midlands, was fortifying itself against a rebel army. Several castles in Yorkshire, Wales and Cheshire were still under the control of John of Gaunt - the greatest magnate in England, creator of the poll tax and now an exile in Scotland. These would all have to be brought in line either by talk or by the sword. An army would have to be formed and the fight taken to the enemy before they could stamp out the new regime, as Bishop Despencer had tried to do.

In London, military ordinances were drafted and signed by the King. Messengers were dispatched to the major towns in the counties across the south and west of England as far as Somerset and Lincolnshire on the 25th of June. The summons were written in English and were addressed not as old feudal levies had been, but to the common people of England as well. More than just a service out of loyalty to the King, this was addressed as a fight for "the Liberty of England". What makes it all the more ironic was that this new army would rely on feudal tradition to raise it. Rather than funding through Parliament via subsidy as had been done before, Richard had resorted to the scutage to fund the 14,000-strong force to be mustered by the 10th of July [3]. Also used were funds that had been confiscated from abbeys, churches and other manors that had been pillaged as part of the early revolt. On the 30th of June, Tyler divided his Kentishmen - entrusting London to Jack Straw who remained based at the Tower, merging his force with what was left of the old garrison - before setting out to Kings Langley at Hertfordshire with King Richard and the rest of the Kent and Essex armies. Here, King Richard had agreed to allow the rebels to muster at his palace before setting off to Coventry. Assembled in the Hertfordshire village were many prominent individuals and leaders, showcasing the scope of the revolt and its members places in English society, from common labourers to urban workers and even gentry and nobles. Among those at Kings Langley were:

WAT TYLER
Elected leader of the revolt at Maidstone, Tyler had led the rebel armies into London and taken the Tower. Now the undisputed head of the King's new army and the second most powerful man in England after the King himself.

JOHN BALL
The long-standing thorn in the side of the English church hierarchy, ball had been excommunicated and imprisoned for many years for his radical preaching. Whilst some spoke of making him the new Archbishop of Canterbury, this was too radical a move to make right now. Despite being close to and supported by Tyler, he would remain away from official power despite his gift for public speaking.

WILLIAM GRINDECOBBE
A large property owner in St Albans. Grindecobbe led the town's rebels against the town's Abbey. A hero of the revolt to his men, he would bring half 2,500 men to King's Langley, many picked up on the short journey from St Albans.

JOHN WRAWE
One of the earliest revolters. Starting in Essex, Warwe had split off and fired up revolt in Suffolk. A former chaplain, he also encompassed the religious aspects of the revolt.

THOMAS KEMPE [4]
Like the rest of the Canterbury monks, Kempe had been made to swear allegiance to the revolters cause. Whilst many did so out of fear, Kempe's affirmation was genuine. Answering the King's summons on the 25th as part of a delegation of abbots for the army, Kempe had taken the ecclesiastical arguments for the cause to heart.

GEOFFERY LISTER
De-facto leader of the Norfolk army, the wool merchant Lister was a man of great ambition. Having brought many of the magnates of East Anglia to his side, he had once again convinced (more likely intimidated) the gentry into supporting the King's summons with men and resources. He arrived at Kings Langley with his men on the 1st of July.

WILLIAM UFFORD, 2ND EARL OF SUFFOLK
Another leader of the East Anglian rebels, though not initially by choice. Lord Suffolk had originally intended to escape from the revolters before being caught and reluctantly swearing his allegiance. Alongside Lister, he had led his forces to victory at the Battle of Wymondham on the 23rd. He arrived along with Lister on the 1st of July. A conciliatory personality with a level head, he brought at atmosphere of calm with him and was generally respected by all.

In the evening, the motley crew of assembled for a banquet in the great hall. King Richard was seated on his throne at the end of the room. After that, many of the other guests were seated at their tables in a seemingly random position, a sign of the breakdown of the old feudal hierarchy as commoners dined with those who had once been their lords. The evening was capped off with a toast to King Richard. the wording of which had been written by Robert Moore, a trained lawyer who had joined the revolt in Cambridge [5]. Following Tyler's lead, the room cried out in union:

"God Save the King!" [6]​


After the meal had concluded, the army leaders had met outside the palace with their men. With them was Moore, the Cambridge lawyer, and he had a scroll in his hand. On it was an oath that was to be sworn be all present in the courtyard that evening. Sat atop a horse as he read, the assembled affirmed the following what became known as the "Kings Langley Oath" with cries of "Aye":

"We be gathered by Almighty God to establish the liberties and constitution of the Realm, to affirm the intent that the people of the Realm be free, and to maintain the true principles of Monarchy.

We humbly and immediately take a solemn oath never to separate, and to reassemble wherever circumstances require until the liberties and constitution of the realm are established and fixed upon solid foundations; and that said oath having been sworn, all members and each one individually confirms this unwavering resolution.

We swear never to separate ourselves from the King, and to reassemble wherever circumstances require until the liberties and constitution of the realm is drawn up and fixed upon solid foundations." [7]


On the 2nd of July, the army left Kings Langley and began the march to Coventry, with the King again following with them. Along the way, they picked up more volunteers as they passed through towns such as Leighton Buzzard and Northampton on their way north. Whilst the revolters were consolidating and assembling, they were not the only ones building an army. Nor were they the only ones who claimed to be acting in the young King's best interests.

Further north, powerful men were beginning to assemble their own forces.


Footnotes
- [1] All covered in the last chapter
- [2] All OTL demands. In our world, these were granted at the negotiations in Mile End.
- [3] Richard also used the scutage to fund his Scottish campaign of 1385 in OTL.
- [4] Our fictional monk from Canterbury.
- [5] Moore is also a fictional character.
- [6] In OTL, "God save the King" didn't emerge until the early 17ht century. I've brought it forward several hundred years because it works well here.
- [7] Inspired by the 1789 Tennis Court Oath during the French Revolution

Sources
 
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This is really interesting so far -- I'm excited to see what comes next for the rebels and for Richard II. Is John of Gaunt going to invade with an army of Scots at his back?

I think you are going to have to figure out what is going on with religion here -- the privileges of clergy, and the wealth of the Church institutions were (as events before the POD demonstrate) a real source of grievance for the revolt, but also something they and the lower gentry at least could resent together.

the problem with the clergy is mainly due to the weakness of the central government of the church, i.e. the papacy, since it is fractured into two parts ( Avignon and Rome, each of them tries to buy the local clergy with extra privileges to convince them to recognize them as the only true legitimate papacy, when this happens the other party foments ecclesiastical wars to deprive the other faction of possible allies, therefore a power vacuum danger is created, where the local clergy tries to usurp laws and privileges not his, in practice it is the staging of the saying when the cat is away the mice dance ), the Lollards are a normal response to this conflict and to the creation of a sort of " miniature pontiffs " among the local clergy, and even if the kingdom is officially aligned with Rome, nothing prevents ecclesiastics from flirting with both papal seats ( also going against the royal will, many times voluntarily )
 
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I think it has something to do with town and gown conflicts - this article can explain better than me, but the gist of it is that due to many reasons, the relationship between universities and the towns that housed them tended to be tense and could occasionally turn violent. Oxford had seen one of those only 26 years before, and one particularly important point is that, due to the nature of universities at that point, scholars had benefit of clergy, which meant they couldn't be tried in lay courts, only in ecclesiastical ones, if they commited crimes. That thing tended to lead to all sorts of abuse and criminal behaviour from the students' part, which did no favors for the universities' reputation with the townspeople.
Oxford also had a four to five times higher murder rate than medieval London or York and 50 times higher than in the modern UK, with students extremely overrepresented with 75% among perpetrators and 72% among victims while making up less than 25% of Oxford's population, as Manuel Eisner, director of the Institute of Criminology at the University of Cambridge, stated in his project Medieval Murder Maps.
 
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And so we see the peasants' version of the Magna Carta. Whatever it's humble Origins, and however much it influences things and it's time, I can imagine a scenario where people centuries later will use it to try to abolish slavery - if it even begins- and also to call for better salaries and working conditions for laborers.
 
Will their be a settlement like with the aftermath of King John rule in 1216 that would satisfy no one but at the same time does what it needs to

Because we don't use the original Magna carta of 1215 we used the newer versions that were altered
 
Chapter 4 – My Lord of Spain

Chapter 4 – My Lord of Spain

May – August 1381

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"...This fortress built by Nature for herself

Against infection and the hand of war..."

– John of Gaunt, Shakespeare's Richard II


John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, Earl of Leicester, Earl of Lancaster, Earl of Derby, Lord High Steward of England and (according to him) the rightful King of Castille. One day he was the most powerful man in England. Now, he was an exile. He had good reasons for flight. Many of his own castles had closed their gates in fear of retribution, unwilling to bring upon themselves the wrath of the mob. He was aware that his name was on their kill-list. He was also aware that his son, Henry, was down in London as it had been stormed. He felt little else but dread. With his own possessions turning him away, he had been forced to depend upon King Robert of Scotland for protection.

As the month of June wore on, the news could only get worse. The King had been taken prisoner, forced under duress to sign on the demands of upstart villeins. Even further North, where the revolt had been calmer in comparison, the peace and order had been disrupted; approved by the Archbishop of York himself, no less. England was in great pain. The Plague, the war in France, now this! Had England not suffered enough. At least Scotland was calm. He couldn't help but feel like he was failing though. He was made a solemn promise to King Edward III himself to protect the young King until he could rule himself. And then there was news of an army heading north. Now, he realised, he would have to take some action. If not stopped, who knew what this horde could do? If no one else could, he'd form an army and deal with this rabble himself. King Robert had been having similar ideas himself, and was sending out his own summons for 8,000 men. Gaunt knew he was unlikely to raise a similar number of his own, but he was willing to work with Robert. Gaunt had not come alone. Not only had he brought a small retainer, but as events continued to unfold other prominent magnates had taken up arms to crush the revolt, such as the Percy family of Northumberland.

By the 9th of July, Gaunt and Robert's force had left Scotland via Dere Street [1] headed south, aiming to secure York before heading down to Leicester - which was still holding out against the rebels - before it could fall. From there, they would smash the rebel army, free the King and liberate London. Along the way, they picked up forces loyal to Henry Percy, the Earl of Northumberland, who had also taken it upon himself to crush the rebellion and restore order to the North [2]. Gaunt's castle at Bamburgh was secured along the way as well by another force before rejoining the main army headed south. Thanks to Northumberland's effort's, the journey through Northumberland had been relatively peaceful save for a riot in Corbridge. Northumberland's case is interesting to examine. When Yorkshire's lands had been divided between the Crown, the Percy's and the Neville family, there had been competition between the Percys and the Nevilles. No doubt both families wished for greater influence over the city of York. There was also a suspicion in Northumberland's mind that the Neville family could not be trusted to restore order. The Archbishop of York, a Neville, had come to terms with the rebels and it appeared somewhat suspicious that Neville property hadn't been as badly targeted as Percy property. He was beginning to believe that the Nevilles had deliberately turned the rebels against Percy lands, such as the manor at Wressle, to gain advantage for themselves. This had caused a rift between him and the official Lord Warden of the Marches, John Neville, 3rd Baron Neville de Raby (and Archbishop Neville's brother) to open up. Whilst not official conflict yet, the two were on deteriorating terms with one another. Gaunt was frustrated by this budding feud and attempted to focus on the task at hand, restoring order to England.

Moving on through County Durham was not so simple, the death of Bishop Thomas Hatfield [3] on the 8th of May had meant the see was vacant, kneecapping any coordinated response to the disorder, allowing various revolts to proliferate without opposition. Continuing through Dere Street, they met the makeshift army led by "warrior-priest" Alexander Miller [4] at Tow Law on the 21st of July and smashed them to pieces, killing Miller in the battle. Gaunt and Robert would continue to contain and suppress uprisings in Durham for several weeks. They got moving again at the start of August.



Tyler and his army arrived in Coventry on the 10th of July as the ordinances had called for. Much of southern and Western England was secured by the rebels, and the counties had complied with the ordinances raising men for an army. In the city, Tyler met the recently arrived delegation from Lincolnshire and Leicestershire. Led by another charismatic veteran of the French wars Geoffrey Halton, and the town's former Mayor, Robert Sutton, these rebels had already dashed Gaunt's plans by taking Leicester on the 6th when the newly-raised militia had defected and thrown the gates open, allowing Gaunt's castle there to be seized and its arms looted.

The revolt in Lincoln was similar to many northern rebellions in the summer of 1381. The region rose in revolt on the 26th of June when a crowd led by Robert Sutton and Geoffrey Halton [5], two wealthy wool merchants from the city, stormed the walls before a settlement was reached with the serving Mayor Gilbert Beesby in which the hated taxes would be rescinded and the King's charters guaranteed in exchange for Beesby keeping his office. Halton, a veteran of the French wars, would be entrusted by Sutton with the raising of volunteers for the King's (i.e. Tyler's) army. With a body of 1,000 men from the county, he headed out west. Gathering volunteers along the way, he would take Leicester on the 5th of July, dashing Gaunt's plans when the newly-raised militia defected and through open the town's gates, allowing the rebels to arm themselves from the arsenal at Gaunt's castle before burning the place as had been done to Savoy Palace his palace in Lincoln, although unlike the Savoy, Halton had taken many valuables to pay and equip his men [6].

Now at Coventry, the main commanders gathered to plan their next moves. News had reached them of the settlement in York. Whist displeased with what he saw as an unfinished job, with many of the old order retaining their posts, Tyler advised by Ufford believed he could rely on the city for loyalty. It was known that Gaunt had set out from Scotland with an army in hand, with several magnates backing him up. If they weren't careful, the rebel leaders knew that all they had achieved could be dashed, they would be executed and their dream of a free England destroyed. Tyler became nervous to reach and secure York before Gaunt did and itched to move as soon as possible. However, the army was tired after several days marching from Hertfordshire, and needed rest. Grindecobbe and Ball advised to leave on the 14th, after the Feast of St. Anthony. Reluctantly, Tyler agreed.

When the 14th came, the army set out on the long march north. They passed back through Leicester, examining the ruins of Gaunt's castle as they did, before continuing through Long Eaton, Nottingham, Sheffield, Doncaster, Tickhill and other towns besides besides finally reaching York on the 27th of July. once there, the army was allowed a good long rest. The King, the Archbishop of York, Tyler, Grindecobbe, Halton, Ufford (Lord Suffolk) and other rebel leaders met in York Cathedral, again to plan next moves. They knew Gaunt's army was heading south and that they would meet north of the city. There was definite worry in the air from some of the magnates who had thrown in their lot with the rebels, such as Ufford and Archbishop Neville. Were they now dead men walking? If it all went south, would Gaunt forgive them, or even the King? What was he thinking about all of this?

On the 31st, they all set out from the city, two days before Gaunt, Robert and their army entered the county themselves. On the 6th of August 1381, they would meet at the village of Brompton on the River Swale.



In York, the Archbishop was nervous. A settlement had been agreed and peace had been restored (mostly) to the city and its surroundings. But he couldn't help but worry about the news down south. He had heard the rumours; beheadings, burnings, execution, what of the King? And now they were headed north as well? He couldn't quite believe it. Gaunt had fled, he was in Scotland, likely raising an army of his own. He wouldn't be happy about his destroyed castles, nor would Northumberland, his former brother-in-law [7]. After the agreement in York, it appeared the rebels had taken it upon themselves not to target Neville property as they now saw him as a friend.

His brother John was with Gaunt, he was the Lord Warden of the Marches. He prayed for his brother deeply. But above all else, he prayed for England. He was a worried man, all he could do was wait. Wait and see who would reach York first. Wait and see how they would react. His worries were not relieved at first when Tyler reached York on the 27th, but when he saw that the King was with him he eased somewhat. Nervously, he agreed to meet the men the rebel leaders.


Footnotes
- [1] An old Roman road running from Newstead in southern Scotland to York.
- [2] Northumberland was appointed to restore order in northern England in OTL after Tyler was killed in London. Here, with Richard held by the rebels, he acts similarly to Bishop Despencer and takes on the rebels of his own accord.
- [3] Hatfield, a true warrior-bishop who fought at Crécy, would no doubt had suppressed such a rebellion like Despencer tried to.
- [4] Miller is fictional.
- [5] The details of the revolt in Lincoln are made up by me. Geoffrey Halton is a fictional character but Sutton and Beesby were both real individuals in Lincoln politics, with Sutton serving as Mayor in 1379 and MP from Lincoln 11 times. Here, you can imagine him (and Halton for that matter) as an ambitious man taking advantage of the circumstances.
- [6] Obviously with medieval communications being slower, Gaunt won't learn of Leicester's fall for several days.
- [7] Until 1381, the Earl of Northumberland had been married to John and Alexander Neville's sister.

Sources
 
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Chapter 5 – We shall have some remedy
Lost for words I see? Never fear, new update is here.

Chapter 5 – We shall have some remedy

August – September 1381

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"...and when the King seeth us, we shall have some remedy,

either by fairness, or otherwise..."

– John Ball, 1381


The small village of Brompton on the north bank of the River Swale [1] in northern Yorkshire was a quiet place. Lying a few miles south of Scotch Corner, where two Roman roads met, where a number of battles had bought fought - the most recent of which was against the Scots in 1322 [2]. The village lay on Dere Street, the more important of those old Roman roads, on which two armies were approaching. Two armies who would soon engage in a battle whipped up by future authors into a titanic clash between two differing visions of England.

In one corner was the army of John of Gaunt. Some 12,000 strong, his army composed of retainers from some of his own lands, troops from the Percy family (led by the Earl of Northumberland and his son, "Hotspur Henry"), other nobles who had joined along the way as well as a Scottish contingent led by King Robert himself as well as nobles such as the William, the Earl of Douglas [3] and Thomas, the Earl of Moray. As with the opposing force as well, much of his army comprised peasant infantryman and a number of archers. The Scots would make up roughly half of Gaunt's army. Gaunt occupied the centre of his army, with Northumberland and Hotspur Percy to his right and King Robert of Scots commanding the left flank.

In the other corner was the army of King Richard, though in reality led by Wat Tyler, recorded by chronicler Thomas Walsingham [4] as larger than Gaunt's - probably around 13,000-14,000 men. Tyler's army comprised of men had answered the summons and proceeded north. This number included many of the original rebel leaders from Kent and East Anglia and new recruits from along the way, volunteers from the towns and cities on the march as well as gentry, minor nobility and even a few magnates such as the Earl of Suffolk [5] who saw which way the winds were blowing. Composition wise, their force comprised many infantrymen, mounted knights and archers - including a number from Cheshire [6]. The King (and Tyler) were positioned in the centre, Grindecobbe commanded the left; the right commanded by Suffolk. Had circumstances been ever so slightly different, these men would likely never have been commanding the same force. Strange times make for stranger bedfellows.

On the 6th of August 1381, both armies would meet on opposing sides of the River Swale. Tyler and his army crossed the Swale on Catterick Bridge to the east in the hopes of being able to cut off Gaunt's force. This maneuverer failed and both forces ended up positioned in a field to the northeast of Brompton [7]. For much of the morning, the two armies would stand posturing to one another. Gaunt himself was nervous as he sat on his horse. He knew these rebels wanted his head. And what of his son Henry? What had they done with him? They'd already burn his castles. At one point, he instinctively brushed his neck. On the the other side of the battlefield, John Ball again delivered a sermon to the troops.



"...There before you stands those who call you bondmen. There stands those who would disavow the King himself, and make us again do them servitude. By the will of God, England hath made itself free. He hath commanded that there will be neither villein nor gentleman in this Realm. The King, he hath seen our cry for liberty and for justice and hath answered the Lord's calling."

"And yet over there be those who would disavow his word and the work of God. Traitors, thieves and tyrants. To them, the King's word is nothing. They would attempt to deceive him, to strip us of our forefathers' liberties and tell us 'villeins ye be still and villeins ye shall remain'
[8]. Are we villeins? Are we their bondmen? No! We are men of justice. Zealots for truth and for justice. We wish to bring our message to the whole of England and they stand in our way. If they do not come to heel in fairness, we shall give them our message by other means."



When midafternoon came, Tyler, sitting upon a horse beside Richard, raised his sword. The signal for his archers to open fire. The massive volley from the Cheshire archers struck down many in Gaunt's lines, including the Earl of Moray, who took an arrow to the neck, killing him instantly [9]. Gaunt's archers also opened fire, striking down many rebel soldiers, many of whom were unarmoured. Men, in the words of Thomas Walsingham, "fell like leaves in the Autumn" [10]. All around, there was carnage as hundreds were struck down before ever being able to combat their enemy hand-to-hand.

Following the barrage, Tyler's vanguard began to advance through the field towards Gaunt's line, beginning to engage them in hand-to-hand combat. Fighting was fierce. Men died all around by daggers, pikes, scythes, maces and hand melee. But then, the Tyler's left began to break and flee. Their commander, William Grindecobbe, the man who led the revolt in St. Albans, had been killed.

Sensing an opportunity, Gaunt ordered his men to charge the rebel lines, straight towards the centre. He had two aims, kill Tyler and capture the King. At this moment, Suffolk made his decision. He turned his men round to attack the flank of Gaunt and King Robert's army, just as Gaunt's men took the King's Standard and killed its most recent bearer - John Crumpe, a blacksmith from Oxfordshire who had joined Tyler's army. The fighting grew increasingly vicious, any notion of chivalry any men entered the battle with had quickly evaporated as the red mist descended before their eyes.

At this moment, John of Gaunt lifted his visor for some air when an arrow struck him in the face [11]. Whilst he was very much not dead, his wound forced to leave to field. Suddenly, a cry went out that "Tyler's dead!" Then, Tyler held up his sword and shouted "I am alive! Where is Gaunt? Find the traitor!" There was no reply, Gaunt's injuries left him unable to respond with an arrowhead in the side of his face. With no reply from Gaunt, King Robert turned from the field. The rest of Gaunt's army followed. The two main commanders would escape the ensuing bloodletting, with Robert fleeing back to Scotland and Gaunt hiding in the nearby village of Middleton Tyas, narrowly avoiding detection by a rebel cavalry scout by hiding in a tree. The arrow was very carefully removed from his face. He would survive, but retained a large scar for the rest of his life.

The Battle of Brompton Field, fought on the 7th of August 1381, had been a decisive rebel victory. Casualty figures are hard to determine, but a few things can be deduced. For instance, Tyler's largely fresh army had suffered more casualties than their enemy, despite their victory. It is believed that somewhere between 2,500-3,000 men died on the battlefield, including commanders. Gaunt had lost Hotspur Percy to a mace in the face, King Robert had lost the Earls of Moray and Douglas and Tyler had lost Grindecobbe and the Norfolk army leader Geoffrey Lister. Others had proved themselves. Lincolnshire soldier Halton had distinguished himself on the battlefield as a cavalryman for example. The Earl of Suffolk had once again proven his loyalty, his course now very firmly set in the rebels favour. As for the King? Caught in the middle of the fight, he was horrified by the violence and would often speak of Brompton throughout the rest of his reign. A chapel was erected on the site of the battle several years later once fighting in England had ceased.

The dead from that day were buried in a mass grave. Notably absent from the dead was Gaunt. The man most hated by the rebels for his misgovernance had gotten away. Whilst victory at Brompton had secured England for the time being, the fight was not truly over. King Robert of Scots had led his own army into England, he would have to be dealt in blow in retaliation. Gaunt would still have to be found, the rebels still had ideas for him.

News of the revolt and the subsequent victories at Wymondham and later at Brompton would soon leak out from England, the effects of which warrant their own chapters. In the meantime, the rebels were keen to build on their existing successes, they had further political settlements to make.


Footnotes
- [1] Known as Brompton-on-Swale today, I don't known when the suffix was added.
- [2] The Battle of Old Byland if you're interested: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Old_Byland
- [3] Not James, Earl of Douglas who died at Otterburn in 1388 in OTL, but his father.
- [4] Walsingham was a prominent chronicler who served under English Kings from Edward III to Henry V. In OTL, he was not much of a supporter of the rebels. Here, he ends up caught up in London as it is stormed and ends up forced to work with them, becoming something of their propagandist - not by choice, mind you.
- [5] Our good friend Ufford, who we saw in prior updates adjusting to the new realities.
- [6] Cheshire archers became a prominent feature of Richard II's reign in OTL as well. Remember this lot, they'll become important as the story winds on.
- [7] Roughly where the Gatherley Road Industrial Estate is located in OTL 2023.
- [8] Said by King Richard in OTL after Tyler's death at Smithfield.
- [9] If you were struck by an arrow at over 200mph, you'd probably croak as well. The Cheshire archers were already seen as elite fighters by this point and would feature prominently for many more decades to come in OTL as bodyguards to Richard II and involvement in the Percy Rebellion of 1402-08.
- [10] Walsingham recorded the same thing in OTL about the Battle of Shrewsbury in 1403, of which this fictional battle takes some inspiration from.
- [11] In OTL, a similar fate befell Hotspur Percy at Shrewsbury, although he died whilst Gaunt does not.

Sources

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