Wrapped in Flames: The Great American War and Beyond

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 94: Colonial Matters​

“While it is often considered that Canada was the only British colony at risk from the United States, many of Britain’s far flung outposts also lived in fear of retaliation from, if not the armies of America, her commerce raiders.

This was the primary concern of the six different Australian colonies of Britain. Though Britain maintained units of Royal Artillery at important ports and had companies of infantry scattered across the continent, these were insufficient to do more than deal with occasional civil unrest and the odd skirmish with the Aboriginal peoples. The threat, or at least fear of, an American attack on Australian coasts prompted a flurry of calls for more forces from Britain. However, the colonial governors were all rebuffed by London who informed them that forces were already destined for North America or China and nothing could be spared beyond artillery detachments and guns.

While there had been some organization and spending in response to the Crimean War, the various responsible governments in the colonies were passing motions for an expansion of Volunteer formations. Only the memory of the Eureka Stockade years prior prevented the adoption of conscription. Instead, they pushed for the arming of “the proper classes” (Lord Lisgar) to discourage unrest and to properly protect the colony in case of attack. New South Wales managed to raise a force of 4,000 Volunteers by the winter of 1863. However, over three quarters of those would eventually be tempted away by land deals during the New Zealand war in 1864 leaving the defence of the colony in doubt during 1865. It was this which prompted discussions with Victoria, who had maintained a solid core of urban Volunteers for a small semi-professional force of 1,500 about matters of a coordinated defence policy. However, it also created conversations between the two colonies regarding whether some sort of united front might be presented outside the military sphere…

In New Zealand, while the threat of American raiders was assessed as real, there was a sense of security from the Royal Navy, and the brigade of troops dispatched to help police the troublesome Maori King Movement in the Waikato. The real threat in the minds of most New Zealanders was the Maori…

From a naval perspective Seymour’s Australian Station was charged with policing the waters around Australasia. Despite some raids, and one significant action with the converted American mail steamer California, the station was largely quiet throughout the war. Maitland chiefly concerned himself with commerce protection and convoying men to New Zealand when the outbreak of war there came…

Only in China, oddly, did any real conflict occur between forces of either side. While the United States had withdrawn its forces from overseas at the outbreak of the Civil War, they had left a token presence in Asian waters to show the flag and enforce American policy. By the outbreak of war in February 1862 the American presence consisted solely of the gunboat Saginaw under James F. Schenck laid up at Whampoa. His opponent, Admiral James Hope, had a much more significant command to draw upon.

Upon the confirmation of the outbreak of war in March, Hope acted quickly to seize American ships and property at Hong Kong and Shanghai. Schenck and many of his subordinates were taken into custody. Despite blistering complaints to the nominal Qing overlords of Shanghai, the opinion of the local merchants, and far away Beijing, was that it was a foreign problem for foreigners. Certainly the reports of barbarians fighting barbarians did not cause Qing courtiers to lose a night of sleep.

Brief fights were experienced in mid-March between some Americans and then British troops, largely tavern brawls. By and large however, the conflict was contained to confiscations and occasional disputes between British and American consuls over who owned what. The dispatch of the 99th Regiment of Foot caused much comment, but played little into the events at Hong Kong. The Taiping proved more easy to repel than expected, and the loss of the 99th made no impact on the eventual campaigns.” - The Third Anglo-American War Abroad, Jonathan Hemsworth, Glasgow Press, 1981

\
An Australian Volunteer Gun Battery, 1869​

“Though it was a diminished fleet and force which eventually again settled at Honolulu, King Kamehameha would personally take the time to interview the British officers who landed. Inviting them to the ʻIolani Palace, he would speak with British officers regarding events in the United States.

Was it true, the King asked, that Britain had humbled the United States at home? He was told this was confirmed. Was it also true that they had destroyed American power in the Pacific. Proudly the Royal Navy officers confirmed that, apart from American raiders, they had cleared the Pacific of American warships leaving “nothing greater than a clipper waving the American flag from China to California” he was told.

The matter deeply intrigued the King, and he began taking many lunches with British Consul William Synge who he knew well, as he had stood in as Queen Victoria’s representative at the now six year old Prince Albert’s christening. There was, as usual, talk of trade, the improvement of the Anglican Church on the islands, and at last the might of the Royal Navy. The King was interested in whether it could protect his home from encroachment of a foreign power. Synge, in perhaps a bout of patriotic overstatement proclaimed “Your Majesty, no ship could sail in these waters if Her Majesty’s Navy did not wish it. Brittania rules the waves of all the Earth.”

While perhaps not imparting the meaning in quite the way he thought, Synge did give the King pause. He had hoped to leverage British support economically as a mean to ward off American political and economic encroachment. But perhaps he could do more…” - The House of Kamehameha, Brandon Somers, Oxford Press, 1987

Diplomat William Synge may have had an outsized effect on Hawaiian history​

 

[nemo1986]

I get the feeling this may come back to haunt Hawaii later on.

 

[SultanArda]

It was this which prompted discussions with Victoria, who had maintained a solid core of urban Volunteers for a small semi-professional force of 1,500 about matters of a coordinated defence policy. However, it also created conversations between the two colonies regarding whether some sort of united front might be presented outside the military sphere…

I think Australia will form their federation earlier, with the, at the very least, it being between Victoria and the New South Wales.
I remember reading that Western Australians did not like the unified Australia, and even tried to secede in 1930s.
I could easily see them not joining the federation, as the ties between the two regions are probably near zero.

While perhaps not imparting the meaning in quite the way he thought, Synge did give the King pause. He had hoped to leverage British support economically as a mean to ward off American political and economic encroachment. But perhaps he could do more…

I think the Hawaiian King, at the very least, would save his family and himself until something like decolonisation happens, as English kept local monarchs around as long as they did whatever English wanted, with some of them getting very few liberties in their political life, in topics UK did not cared.
But, Hawaii… I am not sure.
From what I understand from the very few sources I looked at, as long as American planters were around, Hawaii’s fate was going to be bleak, either annexed by the USA, or becoming a puppet regime for them.

 

[EnglishCanuck]

I get the feeling this may come back to haunt Hawaii later on.

The war will have some interesting far reaching consequences.

I think Australia will form their federation earlier, with the, at the very least, it being between Victoria and the New South Wales.
I remember reading that Western Australians did not like the unified Australia, and even tried to secede in 1930s.
I could easily see them not joining the federation, as the ties between the two regions are probably near zero.

Australian history is going to be subtly different I'll say. There's a lot of commercial competition between the different colonies, and post-war here Britain is going to be watching the Canadian experiment in greater self-government very closely.

There's examples to draw from, but OTL Britain wanted to try the Canadian example in the other white colonies as a rationalization effort. Most of the time it didn't stick as many of the local politicians were extremely parochial, but much can happen!

I think the Hawaiian King, at the very least, would save his family and himself until something like decolonisation happens, as English kept local monarchs around as long as they did whatever English wanted, with some of them getting very few liberties in their political life, in topics UK did not cared.
But, Hawaii… I am not sure.
From what I understand from the very few sources I looked at, as long as American planters were around, Hawaii’s fate was going to be bleak, either annexed by the USA, or becoming a puppet regime for them.

Hawaiian history is very much defined by trade with America. The planters and missionaries were petit colonizers, and the monarchy found them varying degrees of useful to very troublesome. The monarchy wanted Hawaii to stay independent but the coup by the plantation owners had been an incident feared by the local rulers for a while, but they had no real protection against it. Interestingly, the putative American Hawaiian territory was originally seen as something of an embarrassment in the continental US because it was so crassly done. It was the needs of the Spanish-American War which drove Hawaii officially into the US.

Kamehameha IV was quite anti-American though, so getting a really big sign of who is the big dog in the Pacific right now is certainly going to give him more cause for thought. It doesn't hurt his wife is of British stock either.

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 95: The Grey Ships​

“Nor must Uncle Sam’s webbed feet be forgotten. At all the watery margins they have been present. Not only on the deep sea, the broad bay, and the rapid river, but also up the narrow, muddy bayou, and wherever the ground was a little damp, they have been and made their tracks.” - Abraham Lincoln in a speech to Unconditional Union supporters in August 1863.

“It was the climactic Battle of Columbus on March 17th of 1864 which saw the final duel between the CSS Arkansas and the USS Cincinnati. The two ships had, under their commanders, always managed to lock themselves in combat. In their prior duels, as testimonials from the crews of each would later state, the battle itself had seemed to push them towards each other. In this final engagement, the two ships would actively seek one another out upon commencing the engagement…

When word arrived in Columbus that the Confederate River Flotilla was advancing, Commodore Charles Davis immediately prepared his ships for action, casting off their moorings and heading to confront the Confederates head on. Though he knew this was a risky maneuver, falling back on the defences of Columbus was just as difficult. The armies operating on both sides of the Mississippi would be at risk if he could not drive the Confederate forces back. He brought all his strength with him.

Little did Davis know, as he led his flotilla south to confront the rebel fleet, but he was playing into the hands of Commodore Hollins. Though Hollins had suffered reverses in the last year, the arming of his fortifications, and now finally his ships, with British Armstrong guns gave him an edge in firepower that his Union opponents could not hope to match. This had been demonstrated early in 1863 with the death of Commodore Foote. Davis had, not unreasonably, assumed that heavy guns ashore were more a threat than anything the Confederate flotilla could produce. Had this even been late 1863, he would have been correct. However, the workshops of New Orleans, and quickly fabricated docks at Memphis, had allowed Hollins to re-arm his vessels late in the year, and by February, each of his ships, even those originally built by the Confederacy, was carrying at least a single Armstrong.

Davis vessels, primarily armed with 32 pder cannon and 8 inch Columbiad or Parrot rifles were matched against the indigenous Confederate ships armor. However, Hollins now had a much more simplified ammunition reserve, and one that he knew had a proven record of being able to penetrate Union ironclads…

The battle was joined two miles downstream from Columbus itself. Davis led his ships into the teeth of the advancing Confederate flotilla. Both sides opened fire at long range, aiming to obscure movement and knock out the opposing bow guns…

As the two sides joined in a naval melee, Lt. George Bache, commander of the Cincinnati was alerted to the presence of his now old foe, the Arkansas. Captain Isaac Brown, commander of the Arkansas, noticed the presence of the Cinicinnati at roughly the same time. He steered his ship cautiously in his foe’s direction. The two ships proceeded to fire recklessly at one another, making the first pass, with Cincinatti having the advantage of the river to speed her progress, allowing for a punishing broadside to rake Arkansas armor, causing several casualties in her crew.

Brown would maneuver his ship around, running through his own lines to do so. In the next pass Arkansas would have the advantage while Cincinnati would, even with her superior engine, claw for every burst of speed fighting up river. The next pass saw near pointblank broadsides exchanged, as Brown attempted to maneuver his ship to ram the Union vessel. Bache however, was far too clever to let that pass and deftly steered his ship away from Brown’s attack.

Two more passes would follow as the battle raged around them. Many would describe the fight between the two as “jousting on the waters in an exchange of nautical chivalry” with the two commanders after the fact stating that they merely “wished to see the deed done” and fought hard to best their opponent.

In the third pass, Brown finally managed to allow his two bow mounted Armstrongs to send their piercing shot into Cincinnati's bow. The two shots ripped into the ship, killing three men and wounding a dozen others. The attack also crashed into the bridge, temporarily blinding Bache as he suffered a forehead wound which leaked blood. This crucial blindness would mean that on the fourth pass, his crew were distracted, and Brown could at last steer Arkansas without Bache’s clever leadership. This time, the ram struck home, the impact wounding men on both vessels, and locking each side into the fight. Pointblank fire was exchanged, disastrous for both ships, but the Armstrong guns on Arkansas ripping deep into Cincinnati.

This was the final pass which would leave the Union ironclad listing. The two ships struggled to disengage, and when Arkansas did disengage, it left the Cincinnati reeling and taking on water. Worse, she would float through the combat of the battle, taking fire from further enemy vessels. Bache was forced to order the crew to attempt to beach the ship. Unfortunately, they would wreck on a sandbar. Bache ordered his crew to do their best to burn the vessel and then abandon ship as the battle raged. As the Arkansas came calling on its old foe, they discovered the ship burning and Brown ordered his men to try and save her.

Brown’s crew barely managed to extinguish the flames, but it would be days before they could organize to drag the Cincinnati back to Memphis…

Hollins won the Battle of Columbus through superior firepower, but at great cost. While his opponent lost not only the Cincinnati, but the Benton as well. Hollins however, had also lost the ironclad Tennessee alongside three smaller gunboats. His opponent Davis however, had also lost three gunboats of his own. It was a devastating loss for the Union Mississippi Squadron. To conserve his squadron he was forced to fall back on the city, lest he retreat all the way to Cairo. With no ground force strong enough, yet, to assault Columbus, Hollins fell back sure in his victory…

Brown would tend his ship’s wounds, while also personally taking charge of the mission to salvage the Cincinnati. He had been curious of the fate of her crew and made many inquiries over any captured men. It turned out that of the Union ship’s 241 crew who had gone to battle that day, seventeen had been killed, two dozen wounded, with another one hundred captured by Confederate cavalry when they washed up on shore. Among them was the wounded Bache who had wanted to directly observe the fate of his ship.

Immediately Brown sent that Bache should be transported to Memphis, inadvertently saving his life as most of his men ended up in Andersonville. The two former rivals would spend the remainder of 1864 engaging in conversations about command style, how a proper ironclad should function, and Brown doing his best to ensure Bache could reach his relatives in the North to assure them of his care. The two would develop an unlikely friendship which would last to the end of the war. Bache would, oddly enough, even toast his rival on his promotion to Captain in the Confederate Navy that spring…

Thus ended the duels of the Cincinatti and Arkansas and their illustrious rivalry along the Mississippi. – Knights of the Mississippi: The Duels of the Arkansas and Cincinnati Part Three, Alexander Dumfries, The American Naval Gazette, March 1988 issue.

Lt. George Bache and Captain Isaac Brown, two of the most storied officers from the Mississippi River​

“...On the Atlantic the demands were different. The Confederacy had begun the war much poorer than the North when it came to naval forces. Almost all the major naval yards, ships, and infrastructure was in Northern states, and only the naval yards in New Orleans and at Norfolk would fall into Confederate hands unscathed to lead the nascent Confederate Navy. In the beginning there was some hope as of the 1,200 officers in the United States Navy at the start of the war, roughly one quarter of them, 373, would resign their commissions to join the Confederate Navy, giving it at least a small cadre of trained leaders.

Unlike the North however, no true coastal industry existed outside key cities. As such, the manpower needs of the navy were difficult to meet. By the end of 1862 there would be some 4,500 sailors augmented by 400 officers. But in comparison to the vast growth of the Union Navy, even this respectable size was small. Slave labor could fill some gaps but it was not enough.

The construction and acquisition of warships was another matter altogether…

The diplomatic efforts of the Confederacy had not all been in vain. The dispatch of officers and agents to London and Paris had not just been for diplomatic purposes, but also to purchase vessels of war for the Confederate Navy. This had borne fruit in 1863 when ironclads were constructed in Britain, knocked down, and shipped across the Atlantic to New Orleans where they were reconstructed and manned by Confederate forces on the Mississippi River. It was these ironclads which played a vital role in forcing the Union out of Memphis and driving them back up the river, undoing a year of progress by General Grant…

Of all the efforts to secure warships for the Confederacy, none was more successful than those undertaken by John Slidell in France. When the New Yorker turned Louisiana patriot had entered France amongst much celebrity in the aftermath of the Trent affair, he had initially had access to many levels of government, even a meeting with the Emperor in March of 1862. It had however, been his meetings with the business class of France which proved the most fruitful.

While his daughter Marguerite’s engagement to the financier Baron Friedrich Erlanger had netted the Confederacy a loan of thirty million dollars, it was the acquaintance struck with shipbuilder Lucien Arman and his company which would pay richer dividends. The Arman brothers had been successfully contracted to construct warships for both Italy and Russia, and he had eagerly made the acquaintance of Slidell looking for new work. It was his work with ironclad vessels meant for Italy which had caught Slidell’s attention and they had many conversations regarding them and whether they could be built for his nation. With the blessing of the Emperor, he began the construction of four ironclad warships for the Confederacy.

The first were two ram vessels designed to break any attempted blockade of Southern ports. They were built in partial secrecy, the Emperor did not want his overt support for the Confederacy to be known while his Mexican expedition was underway, and in order to give some time to the Confederate navy to train with the vessels. The two ships, the ironclad rams CSS Leonidas Polk(3) and the CSS Lafayette(3)[1] would be cleared for action in August of 1864 and proceed to North America to join the litany of other warships from foreign providers. His later construction, modeled on the ironclad vessels provided for Italy, the CSS Georgia(26) and the Kentucky(26) would remain tied up in contracting arguments until 1866 and as such had no effect on North American arrangements, despite many modern discussions to the contrary.

By September of 1864 the Confederate Chesapeake Squadron, in addition to the indigenously built ironclads, would include the ironclad rams North Carolina(2) and Missouri(2) on order from Britain. These would add a total of six ironclad warships to the Chesapeake Squadron which were, in theory, more than a match for any of the existing or planned ironclads in Union service. These vessels, or the threat of them, concerned the Union government to no end. However, in the aftermath of the Battle of Sandy Hook, Farragut had few ironclads of his own.

That the Confederate squadron contained four ironclad rams, while Farragut had only his ironclad flagship New York and the slow, unwieldy little vessels like Monitor, Catskill, Montauk, Graves and Little Gull. These ships, with the memory of the unfortunate fate of the USS Maine in mind, Farragut did not consider capable of fighting the Confederate rams head on. Though he included them in his arranged squadron for operations in the Chesapeake, he believed that he would be at a severe disadvantage in the enclosed waters.

Worse from the Union perspective was the joining of this squadron by the regular steam warships CSS Alabama(8), CSS Texas(9)[2] alongside the CSS Rappahannock(6) and the CSS Monocacy(6), creating an extremely formidable squadron. The mere existence was a continued threat to Washington and allowed for Whiting’s Corps to be maintained in the field, threatening the tenuous overland route from Philadelphia…” - Gray Ships on a Blue Sea: The History of the Navy of the Confederate States, Rear Admiral Theodore Roosevelt IV (ret.), United States Naval Academy, 1991

The CSS Leonidas Polk at anchor, 1865​

August 3rd, 1864
Lemon Hill, Philadelphia

The warm breeze coming through the windows masked the smell of rain on the air. It had been a wet day, but little enough to stifle the heat or dust of one of America’s greatest cities. Far beyond the good views of Lemon Hill and the city itself, following the course of the Delaware River and into Delaware Bay, the city was beginning to, after three years, open itself to the outside world. Ships that had sat idle in port were sailing, warehouses which had sat empty or filled with goods which could not be sold were opening up and trying to make up for years of lost commerce. At last, for the first time since February of 1862, British ships no longer prowled the waters waiting for American merchants to deposit their wares into Admiralty Courts.

Now though, the United States Navy faced a new challenge.

Seward couldn’t help but reflect on that as their guest was shown into the room. Admiral David Farragut was a tall man, his skin looking winburnt and sharp eyes meant for the sea. Born of the South he had not cast in his allegiance with his own state and instead stood firmly by the Federal government. He had faced considerable prejudice, but had not allowed it to interfere with his duties as commander of the most powerful squadron of American warships ever assembled. That had led to two of the greatest naval victories in United States history and none could now dare question his duty to the Union.

For all that, he still seemed to have a restless energy about him. It was one that Seward wished all the commanders of the United States Navy had, and perhaps the war at sea against Britain would have gone better. There was no time for such thoughts now he knew. The problems they faced were much greater.

“Admiral,” Lincoln said standing. While the man saluted, Lincoln quickly shook his hand which looked to make the officer mildly uncomfortable. “It is a pleasure to have you here at Lemon Hill.”

“The pleasure is mine sir,” he said. “How may the navy serve you today?”

“Unfortunately, Admiral, it falls to us to look to you for solutions.” Lincoln indicated the large map currently pinned to the far wall. It marked the known dispositions of Confederates around Annapolis and its environs, as well as the estimated ship strengths of the Confederate Squadron. It made for a certain depressing reading.

“As of last week, our scouts and agents report that the Confederate squadron now has six ironclad rams, four regular steam warships, and over a dozen smaller gunboats,” Welles said. “Of greatest concern of course are the ironclad rams.”

Farragut nodded. “Yes, we have nothing at present in our fleet which can match them. I have kept up with the work at Mare Island Navy Yard, but it seems our own rams will be many months away from completion.”

The new ironclads the USS Erie and the USS Sandy Hook were being laid down as direct counters to the Confederate fleet. They had only been ordered in November, and then only laid down as slips had freed up after the badly needed repairs to Farragut's squadron after the epic battle last year. Even then, it was estimated they would take over nine months to build. And that was the optimistic estimate.

“Is there any option to defeat these ships?” Lincoln said.

Farragut considered for a long time. He had clearly been thinking on the problem, so when he shook his head Seward knew he had much to say.

“Immediately? No Mr. President, there is not. I could take all our assembled ships to battle, and even if I defeated them I might lose over half my fleet. There would still be Confederate squadrons assembling at Wilmington and New Orleans. And with the loss of my ships how could we begin to blockade the South again?”

“An excellent point,” Welles said.

“Indeed, sir. My squadron is by far the strongest, both in guns and ironclads. My little monitors though, are not fit for the service required of them there. Those rams would swamp them and send them to the bottom. They can serve as deterrents, but I am loathe to risk it all in one great battle.”

“We have considered strategy going forward, Admiral. I would ask you to weigh in as Welles lays out his ideas.”

Welles nodded thanks and gestured to a map which had, until recently, laid out the dispositions of American squadrons against the British and their perceived cooperation with the South. Now, it showed the American squadrons, but also the perceived squadrons the South operated on. Unlike the fearful reading of only four months prior, the map now showed a healthy superiority in United States vessels, but a worrying lack of clarity on Confederate naval estimates.

“For our own purposes, we now have powerful squadrons at every port in the Union, save the destroyed Portsmouth Naval Yard and Portland Maine where we have but a single sloop now operating.” He grimaced. “And of course on the Pacific, but that is not pertinent at present.” Tapping a finger he indicated Norfolk and the Chesapeake. “The South has assembled a powerful squadron here, one we know presents many dangers, especially to the capital. However, we know they are also assembling powerful forces at Wilmington, Charleston and New Orleans. The squadron at Wilmington at present consists of single ironclad, named after the city itself, and a dozen gunboats. At Charleston we have little more than rumors. There may be a squadron of steam sloops, or a squadron of ironclads. I am inclined towards the former myself. However at New Orleans, we can only guess. We know Britain has shipped ironclads to the South, the number and their specifics for a large part are unknown to us.”

“The Southern vessels have caused much embarrassment on the Mississippi of late,” Seward said. “I am not a naval man but I may guess that they have sent most ships to fight south of Cairo.”

Everyone nodded. The importance of the Mississippi River could not be understated.

“Precisely Seward,” Welles continued. “With such little knowledge, I am loathe to recommend anything like a large attack on any Southern port. However, I believe it is time we return to the strategy that we had believed held so much merit at the start of the war, we shall blockade the South and crush their cotton economy like Britain did to us.” He traced an imaginary line around the Southern coasts and tapped each major port in turn.

“Just as important, there are reports that the South is even now preparing to assemble squadrons of raiders to assault our already battered commerce. I believe that we must resume the blockade strategy we began in 1861 in order to prevent just such an occurence. From there we can bottle up these dangerous squadrons long enough for us to marshal forces for a major assault. Then we could slowly choke the life out of the traitors while our armies drove the knife into their heart,” he vigorously tapped Richmond with a finger.

“What say you, Admiral?” Lincoln asked.

Again, the admiral paused for thought. He traced a finger along Welles imaginary line, nodded, but then vigorously shook his head. Pacing back and forth he didn’t take an eye off the map for many minutes, stretching to the point that Seward felt awkward watching this great naval leader think. It was almost like intruding on an intimate moment. Finally he stood ramrod straight and turned.

“Mr. Secretary, I absolutely agree that we must resume the blockade. The boot must return to the neck of the snake. However, I believe that your proposed plan requires more vigorous tactics. The secesh must be made to feel war as we felt it. How many troops were required to protect our cities when the Royal Navy showed up off our shores? Tens of thousands! Once we show up off Southern ports they will send men home, but that is not enough! An entire army was required to protect New England! How many men must Lee send home if we attack Georgia, Louisiana? Their governors, like ours, will be screaming for men to defend them! Especially from their slaves.”

Seward nodded. It made good sense. How many tens of thousands who might have been useful in Virginia, Tennessee, Maine or Canada had been tied up defending New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore? How many men would Jefferson Davis have to send home if they began to attack the Southern ports again?

“Where ought this blow to fall do you believe, Admiral?” Lincoln asked, his attention entirely transfixed on the man.

Farragut slammed his finger into one point on the map. Port Royal, South Carolina.

“Our forces captured this point early in the war and put fear into the heart of the slavers. Then the Royal Navy came and the secesh felt safe again. By God we ought to put the fear into them. We can establish blockading squadrons, but allow me, sirs, to lead the first attack onto the soil of the heart of treason since 1861, let me put the fear of God and the Union into them again!”

They were all so entranced by the visions of panicking traitors and the thought of Jefferson Davis in conniptions that at first no one noticed the polite knocking on the chamber door. Finally John Nicolay tentatively entered and cut off whatever Farragut had been about to say next, Seward rounded roughly on the man.

“What the hell is it Nicolay? Can’t you see we’re busy?”

“Yes sir, but there was a telegraph from the War Department, I thought it couldn’t wait.”

“Go on,” Lincoln said gently.

“It’s Lee’s army sir, our scouts have confirmed it's on the move once again.”

That news cooled any thoughts of glorious victory in the room.

“Where?” Lincoln asked.

“That’s just it sir, our scout’s aren’t sure.”

-----

1] These are the “Sphinx” and “Cheops” built OTL in much more secrecy for the Confederacy that for various reasons got locked up in negotiation and maneuvering by the American and French governments that Arman had to sell at a loss to Denmark and Prussia respectively.

2] The infamous raider Alabama and what was supposed to be her sister Texas as historial. The real Texas became the Spanish ship Tornado which had such a hand in provoking OTL’s Virginius affair in 1873.

 

[mundi_mundi]

Just caught up & I've gotta say @EnglishCanuck this was great. Please keep up the good work!

Really appreciated the look at the rest of the world too. The idea of Australian Federation ~35 years early is a fascinating one, even if (I assume) it's out of scope for this timeline.

 

[Radek]

So, France is apparently quite invested in its new Mexican client state. How long before they start considering how much easier that would be if the United States were to remain weak and divided -if not permanently, then at least a good long while.

It wouldn't even require doing all that much to achieve.

Has Washington given thought to such ideas, and what they could do should it come to pass?

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Just caught up & I've gotta say @EnglishCanuck this was great. Please keep up the good work!

Really appreciated the look at the rest of the world too. The idea of Australian Federation ~35 years early is a fascinating one, even if (I assume) it's out of scope for this timeline.

Many thanks! I'm glad you're enjoying it! I've had a fun time getting caught up on a lot of stuff I've been writing and then smoothing out the flow of the next few chapters. Everything up to Chapter 103 is now plotted in at least rough detail, which includes the election of 1864!

Thank you! Though this is primarily a North America focused TL, there will be intersections with the rest of the world. Case in point the European powers and their empires as applicable. I'll keep doing the "World in Review" chapters, which should get easier into the 1860s.

So, France is apparently quite invested in its new Mexican client state. How long before they start considering how much easier that would be if the United States were to remain weak and divided -if not permanently, then at least a good long while.

It wouldn't even require doing all that much to achieve.

Has Washington given thought to such ideas, and what they could do should it come to pass?

OTL 1864-65 was roughly the high point for the French intervention in Mexico, with things taking a long downhill slide in 1866-67. However, you're right, Napoleon was very interested in maintaining his New World puppet state and put a lot of resources into it, expecting to be able to maximize his return quite nicely. Here, though I haven't addressed it yet, things are indeed going better for the Imperialists especially after TTL's Siege of Puebla.

Let's just say that Napoleon has no issue giving the USN a little headache by building and supplying Confederate warships. He even has a few of his own on station at New Orleans because of convenience. Currently, with the war with Britain having eaten up so much US resources, he hasn't had to worry about anything the US might say or do on Mexico.

That this is a problem is not lost on Washington, but with barely a companies worth of men within a hundred miles of the Mexican border, no Pacific Squadron, and a long hard fight ahead, how well entrenched might this Mexican Empire become before the US can devote its attention to it?

 

[Ironshark]

wow what a Confederate move by the Union.
but Lee's army.Im going to guess he's planning another Invasion. man was obsessed with the idea of defeating the union on northern ground.
My guess is he's going to go through the valley or western Virginia .Maybe with things in the west going much better he'll send a corps that direction to finish the job.
EDIT probably join up with his missing corps
best bet for the union is to concentrate and bring back thomas.

 

[Icedaemon]

With the Union navy going on the offensive again, I'd think that they are now going to have explicit orders to treat any non-confederate ships carefully and respectfully as to avoid another Trent Affair-like situation. Which would lead to it only being a matter of time until some Confederate ships think that flying under a false flag is a smart move.

 

[EnglishCanuck]

wow what a Confederate move by the Union.
but Lee's army.Im going to guess he's planning another Invasion. man was obsessed with the idea of defeating the union on northern ground.
My guess is he's going to go through the valley or western Virginia .Maybe with things in the west going much better he'll send a corps that direction to finish the job.

The strategy forming in 1864 is, like OTL, still based on taking advantage of Lee's huge victory at Mine Run, but also putting a lot of pressure on the North going into an election year. With a more active and politically powerful peace party TTL, then they may have more of a point.

But you're right, Lee was obsessed with inflicting a defeat on Northern territory. How that will play out, well...

EDIT probably join up with his missing corps
best bet for the union is to concentrate and bring back thomas.

Ah unfortunately for whoever succeeds Rosecrans, Thomas is headed back out west to help in Grant's spring/summer Overland Offensive to drive the Confederacy from Kentucky!

 

[Young Augustus5598]

The strategy forming in 1864 is, like OTL, still based on taking advantage of Lee's huge victory at Mine Run, but also putting a lot of pressure on the North going into an election year. With a more active and politically powerful peace party TTL, then they may have more of a point.

But you're right, Lee was obsessed with inflicting a defeat on Northern territory. How that will play out, well...



Ah unfortunately for whoever succeeds Rosecrans, Thomas is headed back out west to help in Grant's spring/summer Overland Offensive to drive the Confederacy from Kentucky!

If Thomas is heading west, the Rosecrans will be replaced by someone with a reputation as a fighter. Unfortunately for the Union, the Army of the Potomac is probably in shambles trying to reorganize and fix it’s losses in terms of leadership so a brand new Commanding General will cause further chaos. Most likely, Lee intends to get into the north to force the badly handled AOP onto a prepared field where he can complete it’s destruction.

 

[EnglishCanuck]

With the Union navy going on the offensive again, I'd think that they are now going to have explicit orders to treat any non-confederate ships carefully and respectfully as to avoid another Trent Affair-like situation. Which would lead to it only being a matter of time until some Confederate ships think that flying under a false flag is a smart move.

There's a a definite desire to avoid that kind of mix up. There's also an understanding that physically taking ports may be better than mere blockades which it seems some European powers are happy to mess with. Farragut's proposed expedition may be just the start.

 

[EnglishCanuck]

If Thomas is heading west, the Rosecrans will be replaced by someone with a reputation as a fighter. Unfortunately for the Union, the Army of the Potomac is probably in shambles trying to reorganize and fix it’s losses in terms of leadership so a brand new Commanding General will cause further chaos. Most likely, Lee intends to get into the north to force the badly handled AOP onto a prepared field where he can complete it’s destruction.

There's a few commanders who could be chosen. Hooker has a good reputation, but there's also Hancock who - with one exception - has roughly handled every enemy from the British to the Secesh that have been thrown at him. The political aspect for both though, is bad. Both McClellan and Rosecrans were Democrats and so are Hooker and Hancock, so appointing them to the command would certainly infuriate the Radicals!

Lee certainly needs to keep the pressure on so his enemies can't reorganize. That would be especially bad for his much shrunken army.

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 96: Overland​

Head Qrs. in the Field, Ky
8 am June 15th 1864.

Hon. E. M. Stanton, Sec. of War. Washington D. C.

We have engaged the enemy in very heavy fighting. The result to this time is much in our favor. Our losses have been heavy as well as those of the enemy. I think the loss of the enemy must be greater. We have taken over three thousand prisoners, in battle, while he has taken from us but few except stragglers. I propose to fight it out on this trail if it takes all summer. We will break the Rebellion in two.

U. S. Grant,
Commander, Combined Armies of the West

“In the spring of 1864 both the Union and the Confederacy faced difficult military choices. The desired axis of campaign between Paducah and Memphis had been picked clean by over two years of campaigning and foraging. The area was so barren Grant was said to acidly comment “a crow would have to carry its own provisions,” in part because he had ordered a scorched earth policy during his retreat in 1863…

The Confederate army in the West was paralyzed partially by indecision, but partially by its early shakeup in command. With the reluctant resignation of Albert Sidney Johnston, there had been no man officially appointed to lead the Army of Tennessee. As the senior officer present, Beauregard had assumed he would be placed in command, but the rivalry between Beauregard and Davis was legendary, and the Creole general had little support from the new Secretary of War, Breckinridge, who also demured on appointing a replacement. As January had given way to February and February to March, no decision was made and it began to infect the morale of the army. Finally, Davis decided he would solve the matter himself, traveling west by rail in early March 1864.

His trip took him from Virginia through to Chattanooga by train, and then out and north to Nashville. He was accompanied by Breckinridge and a small staff to meet his commanding Western officers. He would meet them at the as yet unfinished Maxwell House Hotel which had, for a time, served as headquarters for the Union garrison and did so now for the Confederate soldiers…

The meeting was contentious from the beginning. Ego and pride was on the line for some of the most powerful men in the Confederacy, with Beauregard barely managing to conceal his distaste for Davis behind a facade of icy civility, with Davis doing the same. Somewhat paradoxically, only the stormy Bragg would seem at ease in the conference. The other commanders present were Patrick Cleburne and William Hardee, each of rank that the President might make use of them, but by all accounts they endured most of the conference in silence…

After many hours of conversation, Davis finally asked whether the men present would serve under Hardee, who demured the idea of commanding the army, claiming he was not of sufficient experience to lead. While Davis mooted Cleburne’s name, the Irish general refused on issue of rank. Naming the lower ranks generals first, Davis had most likely intended to pique the pride of General Beauregard who would hotly declare that he ‘would not serve under anyone of lesser rank than himself, and he was aware of no man who outranked him west of Appalachia,’ which trapped him.

Davis astutely agreed that Beauregard was of too sufficient rank to be placed under any commander, and instead offered him the task of commanding Confederate efforts beyond the Mississippi. Beauregard could either refuse and resign, or he could accept this effective exile beyond the main theaters of war. Grimly, Beauregard accepted the dubious honor of commanding a theater which stretched from Arkansas to the base of the Rocky Mountains, and by April was commanding the troops beyond the Mississippi, away from true military glory or political intrigue.

In a stroke Davis placed his man in command of the Confederate forces in the West, Braxton Bragg…” - On the Bleeding Edge: The Overland Campaign of 1864, Micheal Burgess, Lexington University, 1992

“Bragg was a disciplinarian, and he believed that what his army needed was a firm whipping in order for it to know who was in charge. As one Confederate lieutenant would write, within a week of Bragg’s securing command “He [Bragg] has determined that if the men do not fear the enemy, then by God they will fear him. The incessant roll of the drum and the rattle of the firing line for even modest infractions reverberates through the camp like the thunder of the Almighty. Yet even those who seek to intercede with President Davis, and even God Himself, find themselves deferred to the dubious mercy of Bragg.”

While many of Bragg’s own officers would object to the treatment of their soldiers, in particular the Kentuckians who had taken up the Confederate cause, Bragg would show no leniency. When Confederate Governor of Tennessee, Isham G. Harris parlayed with Bragg to spare a Tennessee private from execution Bragg is alleged to have responded “I see you still maintain a commission with the Confederate Army. I caution you, Governor, so long as you hold rank under my command I am not afraid to order a governor shot for insubordination.” That Bragg commanded the respect of the president made this no idle threat…

Even despite all the harsh methods Bragg instituted to secure control, his penchant for organization was a definite boon to the Army of Tennessee. With the appointment of the far more qualified Isaac St. John at the head of the Confederate Commissary Department, Bragg was able to secure better supplies of food, munitions and other necessary items to keep his army moving. For men who had endured a hard winter after the terrible siege at Corinth, Bragg’s penchant to punish on one hand but reward with better food on the other, was seen as an endurable storm. That the army truly began to take on its best succor in 1864 showed that they had truly not yet begun to fight…” - The Cannon and the Lash: Braxton Bragg and the Confederacy, William Hozier, New York University Press, 1999

Braxton Bragg, Commander of the Army of Tennessee​

“By April, Grant had at last decided on the action he would take to fight the Confederacy. Leaving as many men as he could to defend the approaches to Kentucky, he began moving his forces into Louisville, and from there to staging position along the Salt River aiming to advance overland and into Kentucky.

The decision to invade Kentucky again was almost as political as it was tactical. With the perilous position of the naval flotilla on the Mississippi, Grant dared not rely on their supremacy to launch his campaign. However, he could rely on a numerical supremacy in men, and his proposed strategy found great appreciation in Philadelphia. Its purpose was simple: the pro-Union region of eastern Tennessee had been under Confederate occupation since 1861, and in aiming to liberate it, Grant would be showing the resolve to deliver Union men to the protection of the United States once again. In doing so he would have to pass through Kentucky itself and liberate the state capital, thus ending the pretension of Confederate rule there, while also severing the one rail connection which kept Confederate east and west connected at Knoxville, and thence to Chattanooga, and perhaps, Nashville.

Lincoln was an enthusiastic supporter of the plan, and threw all he could behind it. Men and material were his, much to the detriment of the trans-Mississippi theater, but that was now a naval matter. Steele would have to part with some brigades, and even in April of 1864 Grant was hedging his bets on receiving soldiers from Canada, but made plans that would not necessarily include them.

His central plan for the campaign was to move south across his positions from the Salt River, assaulting through the now pitifully weak Confederate pickets there. Immediately following he would move along a two pronged attack. A portion of the army under General Thomas would advance across the Salt River, moving through Bardstown and Perryville to Harrodsburg. The second prong under Grant would advance through Frankfort to Lexington and then move south. Both forces were intended to meet at Rock Castle, and from there move south to the Cumberland Gap and East Tennessee.

…The first thorn in Grant’s plan came with the news of the defeat of the Union squadron at Columbus. Grant was forced to detach yet more men to defend his rear against a possible assault up the Mississippi towards Cairo. Men who he had otherwise planned to attach to his forces were thus held back to guard the important supply base. The second thorn came when news of Sterling Price’s invasion of Missouri began. Though Grant himself was not worried, the commanders of the trans-Mississippi were concerned that Price had gathered such a force. Grant refused requests for more men from his command, and said that the forces at present were enough to deter the rogue Missourian. It did, however, mean he had no choice but to relinquish Steele and Curtis’s commands back to the trans-Mississippi.

Come the end of April, Grant had the VIII Corps under John Schofield, the IX Corps, once again under Thomas, the XIX Corps under James B. MacPherson, the XI under John Logan, finally was the cavalry under Grierson. With new recruits, men returned from the fighting in the East, and draftees, Grant commanded 68,000 men for the coming campaign.

He could move so many men, even with the threat of Confederate cavalry raids, thanks to troops raised through the draft, colored volunteers to free up men from service along the Mississippi, and loyalist militias who still chose to serve under the stars and stripes. If the whole of Grant’s command is accounted for, he had 95,000 men, not just on the front lines, but guarding his lines of communication and garrisoning posts as he moved forwards.

With men returning to his command from the East however, especially Thomas and his men, Grant felt he would be capable of pressing the attack again. All the failures of 1863 could capitalize on the successes of 1864.

On April 29th, he began his march overland into the South…

Bragg was initially surprised, and then alarmed at the news of a “massive Federal army” moving into Kirby Smith’s area of operations. Though the wily Smith still had some 21,000 men available to him, he had them spread out to defend the state. That made the initial Second Battle of Bardstown something of a debacle, as Logan’s XI Corps made short work of the single Confederate division defending against it. In short order Thomas’s men were advancing towards Perryville, the site of such embarrassment the year prior.

Grant’s advance through Kentucky met one great cork at Frankfort. Governor Johnson had refused to evacuate the state capital alongside the majority of Bragg’s forces and, reluctantly, Bragg had left Roger Hanson’s brigade, The Orphans, to support the 2,000 man garrison. That most of the men defending the city were “Galvanized Kentuckians” who had either previously served under the Union flag or taken up arms in response to the actions of “Butcher” Burbridge meant that when Grant’s forces assaulted the city, they were thrown back with heavy casualties.

A frustrated Grant realized he had no time to besiege the city, and instead attempted to parlay with the Confederate Governor. Though he demanded unconditional surrender citing “the meritorious defence of these works by able men, I must beg that your forces surrender before any unnecessary shedding of blood.” The response by Governor Johnson was polite, but incredibly curt. “I thank you for the praise of my men. If you wish to avoid any other profusion of blood, stay out of range of our guns.”

While furious, Grant had no time to devote to a siege of a site so relatively unimportant. He left from Richard W. Johnson’s division from XIX Corps to take the city, and at last moved on. The Siege of Frankfort had cost him time and men he could ill afford, and the loss of Johnson’s divisions would be a drain on his manpower…

Bragg, as soon as he was certain that Grant really was moving through Kentucky, immediately began running men from Nashville to Knoxville by rail in order to relieve Kirby Smith’s forces. He sent desperate messages that Smith should hold his ground and concentrate his forces to join with his so that they might turn Grant’s advance back. Smith, ever his own worst enemy, did concentrate his men, but moved to strike back at Grant near London. There, he gathered his remaining 18,000 men for their full strength on May 30th to face off against Thomas…

Thomas deftly outmaneuvered Smith’s outnumbered and outgunned forces, and with only two hours of fighting sent them running in disarray back towards Raccoon Spring where, by sheer chance, they met with Bragg’s vanguard under Hindman.

Hindman carried written instructions for Smith to combine his troops with Bragg and hold a new position in front of Little Laurel Creek. Smith, smarting from defeat, at first argued, but finally accepted the necessity to serve under Bragg…

Grant combined his own forces with Thomas’s at London after sweeping through Manchester. Reports were at last reaching his ears that Bragg’s army had arrived and would be combining with Smith’s troops. Wishing to inflict a punishing blow on the Confederate forces in Kentucky, he would uncharacteristically spend a week resting and provisioning his forces, seemingly abandoning the rapid pace with which he had rushed across the territory of Kentucky for the last month. That rest was indeed necessary as moving over the rough terrain of eastern Kentucky without access to the railheads like Bragg had left his forces tired and strung out. Grant would also use that opportunity to reconnoiter Bragg’s lines. Seeing him martialling his forces, the Union general confirmed that this was where he wanted to fight Bragg…

On June 10th Grant began to move his men south to Raccoon Spring, reaching the outskirts of Bragg’s lines on the 13th, he drew his forces up into battle order. Thomas manned the left flank, Logan next to him, MacPherson and finally Schofield on the right flank. As he lined up, the weather began to change, with rain and showers driving through the lines…

The Battle of Raccoon Spring began in earnest on the 14th, Thomas driving hard into Bragg’s lines…

Logan upended Hardee’s formations with a devastating volley movement, which Hardee barely held off. Hindman was only just hanging on as Thomas savaged his flanks. Grant, sensing the end, moving Schofield’s troops to attempt to envelop Bragg.

With reports of both flanks crumbling, Bragg ordered his forces to withdraw themselves south…

By the 15th it was clear Grant was uncontested on the field. He had lost 7,000 men killed, wounded, or captured. Bragg meanwhile had lost close to 10,000 killed or wounded, with 3,000 of those captured as Grant had relentlessly hammered him…

Despite hard fighting and terrible weather, Bragg could not check Grant's advance at Racoon Spring​

After the Battle of Raccoon Spring there was no choice but for Bragg to withdraw to Barbourville, and Grant pursued with a reckless ferocity. The only thing which slowed him was the need to guard his flanks and long supply lines. The movements from Louisville, to Lexington, to Harrodsburg to Raccoon Spring had taken two months, and now the movement south to the Cumberland Gap would take another month of hard marching, and in all likelihood, hard fighting. Grant was fine with either situation. His casualties had been light compared to Bragg’s, and he had more manpower returning from Canada he was now assured. There would be nothing keeping him from driving deep into the Confederacy.

Bragg for his part, was desperate. He needed reinforcements, and with troops being called and begged away for duty on the coasts, he did the only thing he could. He begged Richmond for support to “reverse the blue tide which threatens to drive us from the soil of Kentucky.” For sentimental, as well as strategic reasons, Breckinridge urged Davis to detach soldiers to support Bragg’s forces. None could be spared from the fighting along the Mississippi, but surely something from the east could go west? Davis was nervous, but finally relented in mid July. He ordered Lee to detach a force which might go west and aid Bragg…” - On the Bleeding Edge: The Overland Campaign of 1864, Micheal Burgess, Lexington University, 1992

 

[SultanArda]

The Union seems to have moderately good victories in land, and small defeats in sea, which makes commanders decide on a seemingly good strategy against , which is good and shows that they could win the war…
If they could do the final punch before the Presidential Election in 1864.
If they could not do it until the elections, it is very likely, in my opinion, that the Peace Democrats (or Copperheads, I don’t really remember the right nickname) wins the election with the campaign of “He forced us to kneel to the English!” with an hefty dose of party splitting due to Radical Republicans nominating their own candidates.
If Copperheads win it, I see that the peace with Confederacy will be signed, with Eastern Tennessee probably being an Union land, alongside West Virginia, just to ensure there are enough votes for peace to pass. I also see General McClean as their nominee, though Horatio Seymour can run due to the changes in TTL causing him to not align with War Democrats.

---

I also think that the Pig Islands and the Giant Potato Field given to Canada will become a nationalist cry in USA, just like how Oder-Neisse Line.
Most politicians knows that they won’t be taken back, as Canadians will ensure that they will never want to go back to USA, through tying their economy completely to Canada, some pork barrels with maple leaf all over it, patriotic education, and sending the troublemakers to USA, a program in which they accomplished the last part, and moving on with the first, and the second one, albeit in a small amount.
Of course, there will be some politicians to get elected in New England due to their promise of getting back the lost lands.

 

[Kurd Gossemer]

Great chapter as always, hope we can see the Union smash the Confederates more and more until they make it crumble and have all those traitors hanging from the gallows given it was their decision to rebel that led to the Union losing hard earned territory.

 

[Ironshark]

before I read it

3 chapters in a week!
What did we to get so spoiled ?

 

[EnglishCanuck]

3 chapters in a week!
What did we to get so spoiled ?

Many thanks! The short answer is they were all relatively well fleshed out before I posted them, and I got them together at about the right time, so I decided to put them out over the course of the week after a relatively long hiatus! Chapter 97-99 will probably take a little longer to get up, but then Chapter 100 will be released in two big blocks over two weeks.

So maybe a delay on the next few, but when they come out it will be in a fairly straightforward manner!

And then we'll enter the year 1865.

 

[The Gunslinger]

With the Army of the Potomac reeling, Lee should have a little breathing space and could actually send guys west without too much fuss. The big question if he's sending them too late

But the Confederacy is still facing their OTL problems now that Britain has pulled out of the war: too long a coastline and too many Union uniforms. It's fun to see them try and make the hard decisions.

Definitely didn't foresee Davis coming west to hash it out with Beauregard, I wonder if he'll be able to achieve anything with his "exile".

Great chapters though, and so many! It's like Christmas in July!